Hong Kong’s pro-government camp to boycott democracy “referendum”?
Monday, 25 January 2010.
Liberal Party protests against pan-democrats’ appeal for “uprising” in elections
chinaworker.info
The Liberal Party in Hong Kong is the first political party to say it will not put up candidates in by-elections triggered by the resignations of five pan-democrats. The resignations, planned as part of a campaign against Chief Executive Donald Tsang's latest electoral reform, which again fails to deliver a one-person-one-vote electoral system, will be formally announced tomorrow, 26 January.
As expected, the political temperature is rising in Hong Kong as advocates of universal suffrage (pan-democrats) step up their campaign against the blocking manoeuvres of Tsang, whose script is increasingly written by the central government in Beijing. The Chinese regime's alarm over the coming clash was shown very clearly by its statement on 15 January (issued by the the State Council's Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office) that the "so-called referendums" represent a "blatant challenge" to the Basic Law (Hong Kong's mini-constitution) and the central government's authority.
Beijing seems belatedly to have realised that, despite lacking the status of a legally binding referendum, the by-election campaign could succeed in mobilising broad public support and delivering a moral victory to pan-democrats. In this case it would mark a serious propaganda defeat not just for Tsang's lame duck administration but also for the central government. The Chinese regime is also extra sensitive about the idea of a referendum in any of its constituent parts, fearing that this could set a precedent and encourage resistance in the restive provinces of Tibet and Xinjiang.
The Liberal Party defended its intention to boycott the by-elections in classical Beijing-speak. Miriam Lau Kin-yee, party chairwoman, said the League of Social Democrats and Civic Party (the two parties behind the by-election tactic) were effectively "challenging the bottom line of 'one country, two systems'". In particular, she took offense at newspaper advertisements by the League and Civic Party which called for "people power" and a "civil uprising" by Hong Kong electors to express their democratic aspirations through the ballot box.
"All along, the Liberal Party has said it does not recognise the expected by-elections as a referendum. And we continue to take that view ... but in the past two days there has been a big change ... The words that are being used are becoming more extreme. Now they say want to create a civil uprising. Wave by wave, they are increasing their level. What their next step is, nobody knows," said Lau.
The Liberal Party, reduced to a virtual rump in the 2008 elections (it remains in the Legco only by virtue of seats it obtained through the undemocratic and elitist functional constituencies), is the most fiercely neo-liberal party in the pro-Beijing camp. Its stance on the "referendum" marks an abrupt u-turn since the central government made its view known in its 15 January statement.
"One of our considerations is that there is a high chance that people will distort the picture to make it look like we are supporting, or condoning this so-called referendum. Or even support, or condone, this uprising," Lau said to clarify why the party, which desperately needs more public exposure, will nevertheless boycott the by-elections.
Civic Party leader Audrey Eu Yuet-mee was in no doubt: "Obviously, they've received a message [from the central government]." She refused to believe that "two Chinese words" in an advertisement were the reason for the Liberals pulling out.
The question remains what stance will the two main vehicles of the pro-Beijing camp now adopt? The Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong (DAB) and the Federation of Trade Unions (HKFTU) have yet to declare their position, but - unless Beijing itself shifts - it is extremely unlikely they will dare "legitimise" the referendum campaign by participating.
It is becoming clear that Beijing loyalists are unnerved and angered by the campaign of the League of Social Democrats and the Civic Party, and especially the radical slant in the campaign slogans and advertisements launched last week. Five Legco members from the two parties will step down - one in each of the five geographical constituencies - tomorrow, to seek re-election on a platform calling for genuine universal suffrage and the abolition of functional constituencies that make up half the Legco's seats.
The central government's attack on the "so-called referendums" marks a turning point in this struggle. It is rare for the central government to pronounce judgement so categorically in Hong Kong affairs. The statement was also read out during news broadcasts by China Central Television across the mainland - again an unprecedented development, but perhaps a taste of things to come as Hong Kong's democracy struggle intensifies. As many commentators have pointed out, however, Beijing's intervention will almost certainly have the opposite effect in Hong Kong to that which the government camp want. Rather this attack will produce a backlash and more sympathy for the by-election campaign of the League and Civic Party, such is the mood of indignation at the establishment's constant stonewalling over universal suffrage.
The struggle for universal suffrage can shake not just Hong Kong but the whole of China, a fact borne out by Beijing's statement. The "referendum" campaign can, however, face far bigger challenges than a boycott by the establishment side. Beijing has clearly woken and greater pressure will undoubtedly be applied to defend its interests in the unfolding clash. Potential legal challenges to the by-elections and possible attempts to debar legislators from standing are some of the weapons being discussed by pro-Beijing politicians. Here again, however, such actions run the risk of provoking an even bigger protest movement given the heated atmosphere that has developed around the issue.
The best guarantee of defeating such maneouvres and attacks is to transform the "referendum" campaign into a genuinely mass movement, building upon recent successful mobilisations, but especially by basing this upon the working class and the building of strong workers' organisations. Democratic committees of struggle for universal suffrage are needed in every locality, workplace, school and college, linking with existing trade unions, students' and tenants' organisations. Such committees should become the mainspring of the movement, to debate and decide the way forward, canvass and mobilise for action. Mass demonstrations and even strike action should be raised to coincide with the electoral campaign, particularly the idea of a Hong Kong-wide student strike as an all-important first step. Such concrete steps and organisation are needed to fill out the idea of a "civil uprising" for one-person-one-vote with real meaning.
The looming struggle in Hong Kong and its potential effects in mainland China will completely expose the undemocratic nature of capitalism and convince broader layers of youth and workers that a democratic socialist society is needed.
Other articles on Hong Kong's struggle for universal suffrage:
Hong Kong government shaken by mass youth protests
Hong Kong: 30,000 march against fake democracy
Hong Kong: Huge clash looming over universal suffrage
chinaworker.info
The Liberal Party in Hong Kong is the first political party to say it will not put up candidates in by-elections triggered by the resignations of five pan-democrats. The resignations, planned as part of a campaign against Chief Executive Donald Tsang's latest electoral reform, which again fails to deliver a one-person-one-vote electoral system, will be formally announced tomorrow, 26 January.
As expected, the political temperature is rising in Hong Kong as advocates of universal suffrage (pan-democrats) step up their campaign against the blocking manoeuvres of Tsang, whose script is increasingly written by the central government in Beijing. The Chinese regime's alarm over the coming clash was shown very clearly by its statement on 15 January (issued by the the State Council's Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office) that the "so-called referendums" represent a "blatant challenge" to the Basic Law (Hong Kong's mini-constitution) and the central government's authority.
Beijing seems belatedly to have realised that, despite lacking the status of a legally binding referendum, the by-election campaign could succeed in mobilising broad public support and delivering a moral victory to pan-democrats. In this case it would mark a serious propaganda defeat not just for Tsang's lame duck administration but also for the central government. The Chinese regime is also extra sensitive about the idea of a referendum in any of its constituent parts, fearing that this could set a precedent and encourage resistance in the restive provinces of Tibet and Xinjiang.
The Liberal Party defended its intention to boycott the by-elections in classical Beijing-speak. Miriam Lau Kin-yee, party chairwoman, said the League of Social Democrats and Civic Party (the two parties behind the by-election tactic) were effectively "challenging the bottom line of 'one country, two systems'". In particular, she took offense at newspaper advertisements by the League and Civic Party which called for "people power" and a "civil uprising" by Hong Kong electors to express their democratic aspirations through the ballot box.
"All along, the Liberal Party has said it does not recognise the expected by-elections as a referendum. And we continue to take that view ... but in the past two days there has been a big change ... The words that are being used are becoming more extreme. Now they say want to create a civil uprising. Wave by wave, they are increasing their level. What their next step is, nobody knows," said Lau.
The Liberal Party, reduced to a virtual rump in the 2008 elections (it remains in the Legco only by virtue of seats it obtained through the undemocratic and elitist functional constituencies), is the most fiercely neo-liberal party in the pro-Beijing camp. Its stance on the "referendum" marks an abrupt u-turn since the central government made its view known in its 15 January statement.
"One of our considerations is that there is a high chance that people will distort the picture to make it look like we are supporting, or condoning this so-called referendum. Or even support, or condone, this uprising," Lau said to clarify why the party, which desperately needs more public exposure, will nevertheless boycott the by-elections.
Civic Party leader Audrey Eu Yuet-mee was in no doubt: "Obviously, they've received a message [from the central government]." She refused to believe that "two Chinese words" in an advertisement were the reason for the Liberals pulling out.
The question remains what stance will the two main vehicles of the pro-Beijing camp now adopt? The Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong (DAB) and the Federation of Trade Unions (HKFTU) have yet to declare their position, but - unless Beijing itself shifts - it is extremely unlikely they will dare "legitimise" the referendum campaign by participating.
It is becoming clear that Beijing loyalists are unnerved and angered by the campaign of the League of Social Democrats and the Civic Party, and especially the radical slant in the campaign slogans and advertisements launched last week. Five Legco members from the two parties will step down - one in each of the five geographical constituencies - tomorrow, to seek re-election on a platform calling for genuine universal suffrage and the abolition of functional constituencies that make up half the Legco's seats.
The central government's attack on the "so-called referendums" marks a turning point in this struggle. It is rare for the central government to pronounce judgement so categorically in Hong Kong affairs. The statement was also read out during news broadcasts by China Central Television across the mainland - again an unprecedented development, but perhaps a taste of things to come as Hong Kong's democracy struggle intensifies. As many commentators have pointed out, however, Beijing's intervention will almost certainly have the opposite effect in Hong Kong to that which the government camp want. Rather this attack will produce a backlash and more sympathy for the by-election campaign of the League and Civic Party, such is the mood of indignation at the establishment's constant stonewalling over universal suffrage.
The struggle for universal suffrage can shake not just Hong Kong but the whole of China, a fact borne out by Beijing's statement. The "referendum" campaign can, however, face far bigger challenges than a boycott by the establishment side. Beijing has clearly woken and greater pressure will undoubtedly be applied to defend its interests in the unfolding clash. Potential legal challenges to the by-elections and possible attempts to debar legislators from standing are some of the weapons being discussed by pro-Beijing politicians. Here again, however, such actions run the risk of provoking an even bigger protest movement given the heated atmosphere that has developed around the issue.
The best guarantee of defeating such maneouvres and attacks is to transform the "referendum" campaign into a genuinely mass movement, building upon recent successful mobilisations, but especially by basing this upon the working class and the building of strong workers' organisations. Democratic committees of struggle for universal suffrage are needed in every locality, workplace, school and college, linking with existing trade unions, students' and tenants' organisations. Such committees should become the mainspring of the movement, to debate and decide the way forward, canvass and mobilise for action. Mass demonstrations and even strike action should be raised to coincide with the electoral campaign, particularly the idea of a Hong Kong-wide student strike as an all-important first step. Such concrete steps and organisation are needed to fill out the idea of a "civil uprising" for one-person-one-vote with real meaning.
The looming struggle in Hong Kong and its potential effects in mainland China will completely expose the undemocratic nature of capitalism and convince broader layers of youth and workers that a democratic socialist society is needed.
Other articles on Hong Kong's struggle for universal suffrage:
Hong Kong government shaken by mass youth protests
Hong Kong: 30,000 march against fake democracy
Hong Kong: Huge clash looming over universal suffrage
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