{"id":12923,"date":"2016-06-25T18:50:43","date_gmt":"2016-06-23T13:08:18","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/chinaworker.info\/?p=12923"},"modified":"2016-06-24T18:58:01","modified_gmt":"2016-06-24T10:58:01","slug":"china-wukan-2-0-mass-protests-erupt-again","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/en\/2016\/06\/25\/12923\/","title":{"rendered":"Wukan 2.0 \u2013 new mass protests in Chinese village"},"content":{"rendered":"

What are the lessons from the police crackdown in Guangdong\u2019s \u2018democracy village\u2019?<\/strong><\/p>\n

chinaworker.info reporters<\/p>\n

Wukan has again become world news. It\u00a0is almost five years since\u00a0this village\u00a0waged an\u00a0epic struggle against corrupt land deals and despotic local rulers, which appeared to win rare concessions from the Chinese regime. At the time of writing mass protests have resumed in Wukan, but it is too soon to say where this will lead. Still, crucial lessons can be learned from this and the previous round of struggle in Wukan \u2013 lessons that need to be discussed and drawn upon in building for successful mass struggle in China.<\/p>\n

The people of Wukan village in Guangdong have again taken to the streets to resist a crackdown that began on 17 June. 400 police dispatched by authorities in nearby Lufeng city staged a nighttime raid to arrest the village\u2019s elected leader, 72-year-old Lin Zuluan. His 68-year-old wife, Yang Zhen, was pushed to the ground during the arrest. Lin faces charges of accepting bribes, which local people dismiss as lies. Why the strong police showing to arrest a \u201cmore than 70-year-old man?\u201d asked a Weibo user.<\/p>\n

Villagers replied to Lin\u2019s arrest with a demonstration of 3,000 people the following day. Further marches have occurred as the authorities intensify their crackdown, enforcing what amounts to a state of emergency in the village. Wukan is cordoned off from the outside world, while surveillance drones hover in the sky and police make further arrests of suspected \u2018ring leaders\u2019. Lin\u2019s grandson, Lin Liyi was among those arrested. CCP officials have blamed outside media, including Hong Kong\u2019s Apple Daily, for fomenting the protests. This echoes the \u2018foreign interference\u2019 mantra widely used in\u00a0state propaganda to explain away \u2018mass incidents\u2019 rather than admit that protesters have legitimate grievances \u2013 against repression, legal frame-ups, illegal land seizures and collusion between government officials and property developers.<\/p>\n

Reports have surfaced that school pupils have been forced to sign papers declaring Lin Zuluan guilty of corruption. Schools have even extended opening hours to block students from going to demonstrate. By midweek all journalists\u00a0were ordered out of Wukan\u00a0\u201cfor their own safety\u201d while two lawyers hired by Lin\u2019s family were barred from representing or having contact with him. One of the lawyers,\u00a0Yu Pinjian, complained of receiving threatening phone calls.<\/p>\n

\"Schools
Schools have stayed open to stop pupils joining the demonstrations.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

\u2018Trial by CCTV\u2019<\/strong><\/p>\n

Two days after his arrest, Lin was paraded on television \u2018confessing\u2019 to taking bribes. Possibly he made the video in return for his grandson\u2019s release. The tactic of \u2018trial by CCTV\u2019, which has been heavily used under Xi Jinping\u2019s rule to incriminate regime critics including human rights lawyers and the kidnapped Hong Kong booksellers, is fast losing its impact as a propaganda weapon. \u201cWe don\u2019t believe it one bit, what\u2019s on television is all fake,\u201d one Wukan resident told the Sydney Morning Herald. In the video film, Lin spoke slowly as if reading, and in Putonghua rather than the local dialect. More than a thousand villagers took to the streets again, after Lin\u2019s \u2018confession\u2019, with banners proclaiming his innocence.<\/p>\n

Wukan is just one of many villages hit by illegal land grabs. An estimated 4 million farmers lose their land every year in China. Since the early 1990s, an area of farmland the size of Britain has been sold to property developers, turning a great many CCP officials into millionaires. Fighting to stop the crooked land deals, the people of Wukan famously ejected the corrupt local CCP officials in 2011 and practised a form of \u2018self rule\u2019 lasting several weeks, with an elected village council. The standoff ended with\u00a0a deal signed in December 2011, when provincial CCP leaders intervened over the heads of the local officials and seemed to offer important concessions to the villagers.<\/p>\n

This deal was hailed as a breakthrough and became known as the \u2018Wukan model\u2019 \u2013 signifying the resolution of conflicts through peaceful means.\u00a0chinaworker.info<\/strong> warned at the time that while there was much in the Wukan movement to learn from, the outcome and the December agreement should not be over-interpreted. An example of the latter was a headline in the Financial Times, the journal of global capitalism, which proclaimed, \u201cWukan offers democratic model for China.\u201d<\/p>\n

In our analysis we warned, \u201cIn reality, the official promises will remain on paper. It is an unfinished struggle, requiring further discussion over tactics, programme and methods of organisation, in order to achieve a real victory.\u201d [The Wukan Uprising and its lessons, chinaworker.info<\/strong> 26 February 2012]<\/p>\n

Fake concessions<\/strong><\/p>\n

As a footnote to the 2011 agreement, Zhu Mingguo, the top official who negotiated the deal, has since been imprisoned for taking 140 million yuan in bribes. His former boss, provincial CCP chief Wang Yang, the man most identified with the Wukan settlement, has since been\u00a0elevated to the Politburo in Beijing and a Vice Premiership. But Wang\u2019s more liberal\u00a0reform-oriented approach, rather than representing the direction of the CCP regime as a whole, is no longer visible on China\u2019s political radar.<\/p>\n

Elections were allowed to take place in Wukan in March 2012 but they were not as \u2018free\u2019 as widely presented. There were widespread complaints of police intimidation and threats against key activists, to block more \u2018radical\u2019 elements from standing. The substantive issue \u2013 reclaiming the stolen land\u00a0\u2013 remained unresolved and has now erupted in the latest\u00a0round of protests.<\/p>\n

After the elections, through\u00a0which Lin and other protest leaders took control of the village committee, the higher authorities pursued a twin strategy of persecution of the most radical layers of the Wukan movement, along with financial and administrative sabotage to deny Wukan\u2019s elected leaders any possibility to resolve the land question.<\/p>\n

The aim of the regional CCP bureaucrats has been to protect their own interests (which may well include hiding their own gains from illicit land deals) and at the same time to discredit Wukan\u2019s experiment with village \u2018democracy\u2019. The net result is that almost five years after the original protests, the demands of the original Wukan movement are no closer to fulfilment. \u201cIt\u2019s like being given a check for two million yuan, but it bounces when you go to the bank,\u201d is how one villager described the promises that were made in 2011 by Wang Yang and Co to demobilise the mass protests.<\/p>\n

It is ironic that Lin Zuluan, a retired CCP official, is now being persecuted so viciously by the regional CCP authorities for lending his support to protests against them. Since the 2011 agreement, Lin has been its most loyal defender, speaking out against further protests and urging \u2018patience\u2019. He has also stressed Wukan is unique and is not a model for other areas to copy. He was criticised by other sections of the Wukan movement who wanted to relaunch the mass struggle much earlier, leading to several splits within the original protest leadership. These splits have\u00a0been exploited by the Lufeng CCP officialdom to bring Wukan to heel.<\/p>\n

It seems Lin\u2019s patience finally ran out. Days before his arrest he issued a call on social media for a mass assembly to relaunch the protests. This, rather than bogus bribery accusations, is the real reason Lin has been arrested. There are rumours of a new corrupt property deal being done under the noses of Lin and the village leaders and perhaps this was the final straw for Lin and his supporters.<\/p>\n

\"Massive
Massive police presence in Wukan.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

\u201cLong live the CCP\u201d?<\/strong><\/p>\n

There are many lessons to draw from this experience, for Wukan and for China as a whole. Some of Wukan\u2019s courageous protesters, especially the older generation, clearly hope the national CCP authorities will intervene to investigate and punish the gangsterism of the Lufeng officials. Some have raised this as a demand in the demonstrations. Chants of \u201cLong live the CCP\u201d have been heard now, and also in 2011, although this can mean many things. Some protesters falsely hope that by declaring loyalty to the party they can avoid\u00a0repression. But others have a clearer view.\u00a0The Economist\u00a0quoted one resident,\u00a0\u201cWe have a black government, all corrupt. They cannot trick us again with more talk of the \u2018Wukan model\u2019. We need our land back.\u201d<\/p>\n

There are no indications that the national leaders will come to Wukan\u2019s rescue. Xi Jinping\u2019s anti-corruption campaign was always more about populism and the internal power struggle than actually rooting out corruption \u2013 impossible under a system that mixes unchecked bureaucratic power with rampant capitalist speculation. One thing Xi does not want is to encourage\u00a0the idea that organised mass action as in Wukan can force the regime to change its policies.<\/p>\n

A full-scale clampdown has been ordered by the national propaganda department telling news agencies \u201cto delete news stories, photos and video of the protests\u201d, according to a leaked directive published on China Digital Times, a US-based website. Meanwhile for overseas consumption, the rabid English-language Global Times warns that, \u201cIf the drastic actions of the Wukan villagers are adopted by other people involved in disputes, China will see mess and disturbance at a grass-roots level.\u201d<\/p>\n

Since Xi Jinping came to power he has steered national policy towards even greater\u00a0repression. A feature of Xi\u2019s rule is that even \u2018moderate\u2019 voices that work within the system, including NGO activists and lawyers, are being arrested and forced to confess to non-existent crimes. Lin Zuluan\u2019s name has now been added to this list. This increased repression is a defensive reflex from a dictatorial regime that fears the approach of serious crises and mass unrest.<\/p>\n

Build independent\u00a0grassroots\u00a0organisations<\/strong><\/p>\n

The way forward for Wukan and other rural struggles is to build democratic mass organisations and to establish\u00a0links between the different fighting communities (some just a few miles away) and links with the emerging workers\u2019 movement. While in any struggle negotiations and temporary\u00a0agreements or\u00a0truces are unavoidable, the mistake made in 2011 was that Wukan agreed to dissolve its independent village council instead of maintaining and strengthening it as the real voice of the people.<\/p>\n

It was not wrong to participate in the elections organised under the agreement, provided the limited scope and ability of those elections to change anything was understood. The building of democratic grassroots organisations completely independent of the CCP-state and continuing mass mobilisations is the only way to secure even small reforms. Winning elected posts in the official\u00a0village committee\u00a0could have acted as an additional \u2018legal\u2019 platform in this struggle.<\/p>\n

An understanding of the reactionary role of the CCP-state and its collusion with corrupt capitalist interests is also needed, as is the need to build an organised socialist political alternative. The crackdown in Wukan and the state\u2019s attempt to strangle its \u2018democratic experiment\u2019 will open the eyes of more and more people to this reality.<\/p>\n

More on Wukan:<\/p>\n

Guangdong village rebellion revives the spirit of Wukan<\/a> (4 March, 2013)<\/p>\n

The Wukan Uprising and its lessons<\/a>\u00a0(26 February, 2012)<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

What are the lessons from the police crackdown in Guangdong\u2019s \u2018democracy village\u2019?<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":33,"featured_media":12925,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"tdm_status":"","tdm_grid_status":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[132,124],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-12923","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-china","8":"category-news"},"yoast_head":"\nWukan 2.0 \u2013 new mass protests in Chinese village - China Worker<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/en\/2016\/06\/25\/12923\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Wukan 2.0 \u2013 new mass protests in Chinese village - 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