{"id":1312,"date":"2012-10-04T13:12:00","date_gmt":"2012-10-04T05:12:00","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/shehuizhuyizhe.com\/?p=1312"},"modified":"2022-08-05T01:44:18","modified_gmt":"2022-08-04T17:44:18","slug":"bo-xilai-and-the-crisis-in-the-ccp","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/en\/2012\/10\/04\/1312\/","title":{"rendered":"Bo Xilai and the crisis in the CCP"},"content":{"rendered":"

Impending criminal trial and delay of party congress highlight deep splits in Chinese regime
<\/strong><\/p>\n

Vincent Kolo, chinaworker.info<\/p>\n

The expulsion of fallen \u2018princeling\u2019 Bo Xilai from the ruling \u2018communist\u2019 party (CCP), decided at the Politburo\u2019s September 28 meeting, marks a new phase in China\u2019s high-level power struggle, the most serious for at least 20 years. Divisions over how harshly to deal with Bo are responsible for delaying the CCP\u2019s five-yearly party congress, which has now been announced to start on November 8, a month later than originally expected.<\/p>\n

This delay underlines the seriousness of internal divisions over positions in the new leadership line-up to be unveiled at the congress. The dates of the last three congresses (in 1997, 2002 and 2007) were all announced in late August, a month earlier than in this case. A traditional pre-congress conclave of CCP leaders held in August at the beach resort of Beidaihe was thought to have reached a deal over the hotly contested leadership line-up. The delay however suggests that any such deal broke down amid renewed factional wrangling.<\/p>\n

Abrupt change of fortune<\/strong><\/p>\n

Bo Xilai\u2019s fate has been used as a bargaining chip between his supporters and opponents inside the party leadership. Bo\u2019s opponents \u2013 who include the current leadership of president Hu Jintao and premier Wen Jiabao \u2013 seem to have gained the upper hand in this matter, but the question is at what price? What concessions have Hu\u2019s\u00a0\u2018tuanpai<\/em>\u2019 or \u2018communist youth league\u2019 faction been forced to make over the carve-up of seats on the party\u2019s all-powerful Politburo Standing Committee (PSC)?<\/p>\n

\u201cApparently, factional rifts and power conflicts have escalated to unprecedented levels this year over how to handle Bo,\u201d said Chen Ziming, a Beijing-based commentator, who speculated that this issue had \u201cforced the top leadership to change the previous consensus\u201d (reached at Beidaihe in August).<\/p>\n

The current splits within the one-party state reflect explosive tensions in society, with the most extreme wealth gap in Asia, an epidemic of corruption, and hundreds of \u2018mass incidents\u2019 daily. The main fault line of the current struggle is between the \u2018princelings\u2019 \u2013 super-wealthy second and third generation CCP luminaries like Bo \u2013 and their factional opponents mainly represented by the \u2018tuanpai<\/em>\u2019 faction, who want to limit the princelings\u2019 power and break-up their \u2018vested interests\u2019, including powerful state-owned industrial groups, which are seen as blocking faster liberalisation of the economy.<\/p>\n

Some commentators compare the ferocity of the current internal struggle to the failed coup attempt by Lin Biao against Mao Zedong in 1971, and the mysterious plane crash that killed Lin while attempting to escape to the Soviet Union.<\/p>\n

\"Mao<\/a>
Mao Zedong and Lin Biao during the Cultural Revolution<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Bo\u2019s expulsion is a first step towards a closely scripted show trial with the aim of \u2018killing off\u2019 Bo politically \u2013 if not literally. He now faces the prospect of a lengthy prison term, and possibly even the death penalty. While this could unleash an outcry across China from Bo\u2019s many supporters, some of his \u2018liberal\u2019 opponents would favour such a drastic sentence \u2013 to rule out any possibility of a political comeback. It is unlikely that Bo\u2019s trial will be open to the public, to preclude any act of public defiance or attempt to incriminate his enemies. In this sense, the proceedings are likely to be less democratic than when the Maoist \u2018Gang of Four\u2019 were tried in 1981 and Jiang Qing (Madame Mao) delivered a two-hour televised tongue-lashing of her accusers.<\/p>\n

Bo Xilai and the \u2018new left\u2019<\/strong><\/p>\n

Prior to his dismissal as party chief for Chongqing, Bo was the major figurehead for China\u2019s resurgent \u2018new left\u2019 \u2013 a loose umbrella group that spans Maoist inspired youth to nationalists and CCP old-timers \u2013 who are critical of Beijing\u2019s neo-liberal and pro-globalisation policies. Despite being a multi-millionaire himself, Bo achieved national recognition with his flamboyant campaigns aimed at self-promotion such as his neo-Maoist \u2018red culture\u2019 campaign that tapped into the growing popular backlash against the effects of capitalist restoration.<\/p>\n

A ruthless crackdown on Chongqing\u2019s notorious triads (criminal gangs), masterminded by Bo\u2019s recently jailed former sidekick and police chief Wang Lijun, drew criticisms from human rights advocates and targeted many others, not just the triads. Such high profile campaigning and the popularity it conferred upon Bo did not endear him to the current leadership of Hu and Wen. Bo was seen as a threat to Beijing\u2019s attempts to rein in wayward provinces, as well as a symbol of \u2018princeling\u2019 arrogance, corruption and high-handedness, which unless checked pose a threat to CCP rule.<\/p>\n

High-risk strategy<\/strong><\/p>\n

In the days since his expulsion, state-controlled media have denigrated Bo in unusually harsh terms for a fallen official, presenting a litany of crimes including abuse of power, bribery and even \u201cimproper sexual relationships\u201d. Significantly, these alleged offences go back over almost two decades to Bo\u2019s time as vice-mayor of Dalian. He has been pilloried as a \u201cdictator\u201d who ruled Chongqing with an \u201ciron hand\u201d and an \u201cextremely filthy man\u201d to quote from the Guangming Daily, a newspaper under the control of the Central Committee. This overtly liberal mouthpiece could not hold back in attacking Bo\u2019s allegedly leftist stand, which it described as a \u201cstale political model that brought China unparalleled disaster\u201d.<\/p>\n

These attacks on Bo represent a high-risk strategy by the CCP leadership. \u201cThey are going after him with both barrels,\u201d commented Patrick Chovanec, an economist based at Tsinghua University in Beijing.<\/p>\n

Clearly, the aim is to destroy not just Bo but also to strike a blow against the increasingly vocal neo-Maoist left who adopted him as their standard-bearer. But the anti-Bo propaganda campaign is also likely to fan greater scepticism towards the regime as a whole.<\/p>\n

People will inevitably ask why, if Bo \u201cviolated party discipline\u201d over a 20-year period, it took the regime until now to stop him? We are told Bo was a \u201cdictator\u201d (a view we would not disagree with), but in what respect were his actions more or less dictatorial than other CCP officials?<\/p>\n

\"Anti-triad<\/a>
Anti-triad campaign in Chongqing saw almost 5,000 arrests<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

As liberal historian Yuan Weishi said, \u201cWhy has he been engaged in evil for so long and what on earth nurtures that behaviour?\u201d Bo has been blamed for poor judgement in his choice of police chief Wang, whose flight to the US consulate in Chengdu triggered Bo\u2019s downfall. But as activist lawyer Liu Xiaoyuan commented in a microblog post, \u201cBo Xilai failed in his oversight of Wang Lijun, so who failed to oversee Bo?\u201d<\/p>\n

The regime is moving into unchartered territory with these attacks, which can trigger protests both from Bo\u2019s supporters but also from opponents who doubt the regime\u2019s sincerity or ability to deal with corruption and power \u201cabuses\u201d. The deadlock until now over Bo\u2019s fate, and the delay of the party congress, underline the seriousness of this move and the risks it can incur. In addition to enjoying the protection of fellow \u2018princelings\u2019, Bo built up considerable support outside the CCP and also in the armed forces, to a degree that arguably no other leading CCP figure can match.<\/p>\n

\u201cBo\u2019s case is unprecedented [as] he apparently has much greater clout that Chen Liangyu [former party boss of Shanghai, jailed for corruption] and Chen Xitong [former party boss of Beijing, also jailed for corruption],\u201d noted Yuan Weishi, referring to the two most senior cases of official corruption over the past two decades.<\/p>\n

Murder trial of Gu Kalai<\/strong><\/p>\n

This represents a complete turnaround since the trial in August of Gu Kalai, Bo\u2019s wife, who received a suspended death sentence after confessing to the murder of British businessman Neil Heywood. Gu\u2019s one-day stage-managed trial omitted any mention of Bo. Now, we read in Xinhua that Bo bore \u201cmajor responsibility\u201d for the murder of Heywood \u2013 something that escaped the notice of the court in Gu\u2019s case! Similarly, Gu\u2019s trial played down the issue of corruption, despite it being widely known that Heywood was a money-launderer for the Bo family, and was killed over a dispute with Gu after a multi-million dollar business deal went sour.<\/p>\n

By not naming Bo, Gu\u2019s trial implied he would be spared criminal proceedings, to be dealt with more leniently through the CCP\u2019s own disciplinary channels (shuanggui<\/em>). This was seen as part of a wider deal among the party tops in the run-up to the party congress. But clearly things have changed. The shift began with the trial of Wang Lijun in mid-September, which sent the former Chongqing police chief to jail for 15 years (a lenient sentence considering one of the four indictments was for attempted defection to the US). The official accounts of Wang\u2019s mostly secret trial implicated Bo in the attempted cover-up of Heywood\u2019s murder. Bo was not named, however, with the report referring instead to \u201cthe Chongqing party committee\u2019s main responsible person at the time\u201d.<\/p>\n

We are now told that Bo, \u201creceived huge bribes personally and through his family,\u201d [Xinhua, September 28] and yet at her trial just two months earlier, no such charge was levelled against Gu Kalai or Bo\u2019s son, Bo Guagua (who is said to be in hiding in the US). The omittance of such charges, despite a clear connection to the murder of Heywood, shows the extent to which Gu\u2019s trial was manipulated by the CCP\u2019s leading group for its own interests, which have since changed. The impending trial of Bo Xilai is unlikely to show greater \u2018impartiality\u2019 or respect for the \u2018rule of law\u2019.<\/p>\n

\"President-in-waiting<\/a>
President-in-waiting Xi Jinping<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Even the official account of how Heywood was murdered has been cast into doubt, in a blog post (September 26) by Wang Xuemei, one of China\u2019s foremost forensic experts. She has challenged Gu\u2019s scripted confession that she poisoned Heywood with cyanide, because this produces unmistakeable symptoms such as discolouration of the corpse, which would inevitably have been noticed by police forensic experts at the scene. Wang\u2019s post, which was quickly deleted by censors, raised the theory that Heywood may have been suffocated. Why would the prosecution need to \u2018modify\u2019 the method by which Heywood\u2019s life was taken? Possibly to give support to the scenario whereby Gu acted by herself, allegedly in a state of mental instability, rather than simply (and more logically) ordering \u2018professionals\u2019 from the security forces under Bo\u2019s control to deal with Heywood.<\/p>\n

Similar factual \u2018modification\u2019 can be expected at Bo\u2019s trial. Already, in the media\u2019s campaign against him, the allegations of corruption have been conveniently downsized with the figure of 20 million yuan in bribes being cited, which is a conspicuously low figure, especially if this is meant to represent his entire career \u2018takings\u2019 over two decades.<\/p>\n

\u201cAs far as I understand, it was far beyond 20 million yuan,\u201d noted Li Zhuang, a lawyer who was jailed by Bo. \u201cMuch more than 200 million, I would say.\u201d<\/p>\n

An honest accounting of the Bo family\u2019s plunder would however pose serious problems for the CCP regime. The decision to downplay the sums of money involved and also to introduce the issue of \u201cimproper sexual relations with multiple women\u201d (not a crime in China), represent diversionary manoeuvres on the part of the state and its propaganda machinery. Despite this, many people will rightly conclude that rather than a \u2018bad egg\u2019; Bo Xilai was no better or worse when it came to lining his own pocket than other senior officials.<\/p>\n

Most commentators believe the level of corruption in the case of Bo and his family, while possibly running to billions of yuan, is in no way exceptional in China today. \u201cThey [CCP officials] don\u2019t have a belief in anything but money,\u201d commented Liu Junsheng of the China University of Political Science and Law, an expert on the newer generation of CCP leaders.<\/p>\n

Reports in overseas media, based on information from CCP insiders, allege that as party boss of Chongqing from 2007 to this year, Bo collected 1 billion yuan in bribes just for dispensing promotions. Should such \u2013 more realistic \u2013 sums surface at his trial and in official accounts, this would inevitably fuel demands for a wider investigation. Most of the underlings who paid Bo for promotion are still sitting on their expensive official seats \u2013 very few have been purged in Chongqing following the demise of their benefactor.<\/p>\n

Power struggle to continue<\/strong><\/p>\n

The drama surrounding Bo cannot be understood purely in terms of corruption or criminality. \u201cNo one seems to know the answers to so many unanswered questions regarding Bo\u2019s downfall and the murder scandal because they are not being treated as legal matters in the first place,\u201d said He Weifang, a law professor at Peking University. \u201cAll we have seen is the result of political intrigue and a power struggle.\u201d<\/p>\n

As always in China, top-level corruption cases are driven by the struggle between party factions for positions, influence and control. The CCP\u2019s internal factions are not based on any cohesive political agenda or ideology, but rather on clannish loyalties and power politics. Despite this often confusing lack of clear political distinctions, the current struggle does reflect a sharp divergence between those, especially in Wen\u2019s \u2018reform wing\u2019, but also said to include president-in-waiting Xi Jinping, who want to speed up deregulation and privatisation of the economy and reduce the dominant role of state-owned companies, and those like Bo who favour more state intervention and the defence of national as against foreign capital.<\/p>\n

\"Ex-president<\/a>
Ex-president and factional boss Jiang Zemin<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Bo\u2019s principal backing inside the party hierarchy came from the faction led by the 86-year old ex-president, Jiang Zemin, which is known as the \u2018Shanghai gang\u2019 or \u2018princeling faction\u2019. This group previously hoped to shield Bo from a public crucifixion, not primarily out of political solidarity (most princelings oppose Bo\u2019s Maoist-tinted populism) but from a sense of collective self-preservation. A public airing of Bo\u2019s misdeeds threatens the standing of the \u2018princelings\u2019 as a privileged social stratum, but could also pose a wider systemic threat to the one-party state itself.<\/p>\n

In the opinion of Steve Tsang, professor of contemporary Chinese studies at the University of Nottingham, the latest twist of events means the Jiang faction \u201chave agreed to let him [Bo] be thrown to the wolves in exchange for whatever deal they have got in the leadership change.\u201d<\/p>\n

It seems the Jiang faction have sacrificed Bo for a bigger presence on the new Politburo Standing Committee. It has even been rumoured that Jiang, officially long retired, attended the September 28 Politburo meeting that expelled Bo Xilai. This also suggests the \u2018tuanpai\u2019 faction of outgoing president Hu has, in return for Bo\u2019s scalp, made new concessions over the allocation of PSC seats.<\/p>\n

Rather than the victory for Hu, Wen, and the \u2018reformist camp\u2019, that some observers are proclaiming, this is more likely a trade-off involving concessions to Jiang, who has shown he still wields considerable influence. If as expected, the number of seats on the ruling PSC is cut from nine to seven in order to concentrate more power in the hands of Xi Jinping, this will also have sharpened the power struggle \u2013 rather like a brutal version of \u2018musical chairs\u2019.<\/p>\n

Anti-Japan protests<\/strong><\/p>\n

It is also possible that Hu\u2019s faction, supported by Xi, have changed their position only recently in favour of a \u2018lasting solution\u2019 to the Bo problem, even if this means surrendering a larger role in the new leadership to Jiang\u2019s \u2018princeling faction\u2019.<\/p>\n

What may have tipped the balance in this case are the recent anti-Japan protests in more than 100 cities across China. These protests were the largest for many years, demanding the return of the disputed Diaoyu islands from Japan in the face of high profile posturing by right-wing Japanese nationalists. They also gave further evidence of the splits within the CCP.<\/p>\n

\"Anti-Japan<\/a>
Anti-Japan protests across China caused a headache for both Beijing and Tokyo<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

While the central government sought to maintain tight control and use these demonstrations to strengthen its hand in dealings with the Japanese and US governments, the protests in fact produced some nasty surprises for Beijing. The appearance on many of the protests of Mao placards and slogans in support of Bo Xilai in particular, left the central government feeling the protests had been \u2018hi-jacked\u2019 by Bo\u2019s supporters and factional allies within the security forces and local governments. This \u201calarmed many people in the party\u201d, according to Zhang Ming, a political scientist at Renmin University in Beijing.<\/p>\n

In turning their guns on Bo, the CCP leadership not only want to block any future political comeback, but also to deal a blow to his supporters in the \u2018new left\u2019 and prevent them from posing a challenge to the regime and its increasingly neo-liberal agenda in future.<\/p>\n

Internationally, we have heard reassuring sounds from capitalist commentators that the decision to put Bo Xilai on trial means Beijing is \u201cback on track\u201d with its congress and leadership makeover. There has of late been extreme nervousness on global stock markets about governmental paralysis and \u2018gridlock\u2019 in China, not unlike that in the US and European Union. This has the capitalists in a panic as they see China\u2019s economy sink towards a possible hard landing, and crave a return to more \u2018hands-on\u2019 measures from Beijing including a bigger economic stimulus.<\/p>\n

But whatever fate awaits Bo Xilai, this does not mean the end of the power struggle within the regime, which itself is only a reflection of fundamental social contradictions in Chinese society, brought about by rampant capitalist development melded to one-party dictatorship. The struggle is set to continue and can acquire new explosive momentum from the very course of action the regime has embarked upon.<\/p>\n

\u201cAiring all this dirty laundry is really risky for the party. They are playing with fire,\u201d warned Chovanec.<\/p>\n

What is needed is a mass working class political force, completely independent of all CCP factions \u2013 right and so-called \u2018left\u2019 \u2013 to fight for democratic rights and socialism.<\/p>\n

Note: The Committee for a Workers’ International (CWI) changed its name to International Socialist Alternative (ISA) in 2020. Chinaworker.info is published by ISA in China.\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n

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Impending criminal trial and delay of party congress highlight deep splits in Chinese regime Vincent Kolo, chinaworker.info The expulsion of fallen \u2018princeling\u2019 Bo Xilai from the ruling \u2018communist\u2019 party (CCP), decided at the Politburo\u2019s September 28 meeting, marks a new phase in China\u2019s high-level power struggle, the most serious for at least 20 years. Divisions […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":12,"featured_media":1318,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"tdm_status":"","tdm_grid_status":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[132,124],"tags":[238,207],"class_list":{"0":"post-1312","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-china","8":"category-news","9":"tag-bo-xilai","10":"tag-ccp"},"yoast_head":"\nBo Xilai and the crisis in the CCP - China Worker<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/en\/2012\/10\/04\/1312\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Bo Xilai and the crisis in the CCP - China Worker\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Impending criminal trial and delay of party congress highlight deep splits in Chinese regime Vincent Kolo, chinaworker.info The expulsion of fallen \u2018princeling\u2019 Bo Xilai from the ruling \u2018communist\u2019 party (CCP), decided at the Politburo\u2019s September 28 meeting, marks a new phase in China\u2019s high-level power struggle, the most serious for at least 20 years. 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