{"id":14434,"date":"2017-04-11T10:30:12","date_gmt":"2017-04-11T02:30:12","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/chinaworker.info\/?p=14434"},"modified":"2017-04-11T10:30:49","modified_gmt":"2017-04-11T02:30:49","slug":"90-years-since-chiang-kai-sheks-shanghai-massacre","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/en\/2017\/04\/11\/14434\/","title":{"rendered":"90 years since Chiang Kai-shek\u2019s Shanghai massacre"},"content":{"rendered":"

On 12 April 1927, a bloody military coup\u00a0turned the tide on the Chinese Revolution<\/strong><\/p>\n

Vincent Kolo, chinaworker.info<\/p>\n

Ninety years ago the Chinese working class and its young Communist Party (CCP) suffered a terrible defeat in its stronghold of Shanghai, a decisive turning point in the Chinese Revolution. This important anniversary will pass largely unmarked in China. The Maoist\/Stalinist CCP which came to\u00a0power in 1949, but based on a rural peasant army rather than through the organised power of the urban working class,\u00a0has never been able to explain what happened in 1927 and even less so today\u2019s \u2018Communist\u2019 rulers.<\/p>\n

In the mid-1920s a revolutionary upsurge saw explosive growth of the CCP, at that time as an overwhelmingly\u00a0working class party. It would have been possible\u00a0\u2013 if\u00a0a correct programme and leadership\u00a0had existed \u2013 for the Chinese working class to take power on similar lines to the socialist revolution in Russia in 1917. In the major cities of Shanghai and Guangzhou (Canton) the workers effectively held power, only to be defeated and crushed due to the ruinous policies foisted upon them by Stalin and the new bureaucratic elite that was consolidating its rule over the Soviet Union. In order to stay in power in Russia, the Stalinist bureaucracy used the tremendous authority of the Russian Revolution to propagate policies and methods alien to that revolution.<\/p>\n

Had the Chinese Revolution triumphed it would have changed the world. It would have reinvigorated the international working class after a period of setbacks and injected new life into the decade-old Russian Revolution, giving workers the confidence to push back against the Stalinist counterrevolution.<\/p>\n

Communists\u00a0hunted down<\/strong><\/p>\n

The bloody crackdown in Shanghai began before sunrise on April 12, signalled by a bugle blast from the military headquarters of Chiang Kai-shek, leader of the bourgeois nationalist Kuomintang. Armed \u2018triad\u2019 gangs wearing workers\u2019 overalls with white armbands bearing the character kung<\/em> (\u2018worker\u2019) poured out of Shanghai\u2019s foreign-controlled concessions and began hunting down trade unionists and communists. Soldiers then moved in to disarm the city\u2019s Red Guard workers\u2019 militias, a force of more than 5,000. Foreign military forces, especially France, played a key role in the crackdown with 40 foreign warships taking up positions in the\u00a0Yangtze River which flows through Shanghai.<\/p>\n

Workers were shot and beheaded in the streets; on such a scale that one of Chiang\u2019s generals was given the nickname \u201cThe Hewer of Communist Heads\u201d by Time magazine. There were reports of captured communists thrown alive into the furnaces of locomotives.<\/p>\n

Mass confusion and disorientation reigned among workers whose leaders had assured them of an unbreakable alliance with the Kuomintang soldiers \u2013 trained and armed by the Soviet Union. In The Tragedy of the Chinese Revolution<\/em>, a masterful account of this period by American Trotskyist Harold Isaacs, he says April 12 \u201ccame as no surprise to anyone except the workers\u201d.<\/p>\n

After Chiang Kai-shek\u2019s coup, arrests and executions of CCP members and sympathisers spread across all areas under his control, with around 300,000 killed during the following year. Trade unions were outlawed and strikes banned. Chiang established a one-party dictatorship resting upon Chinese capitalism and heavily dependent on imperialist powers, first Germany, and later America. His regime was vicious against the left \u2013 continuing\u00a0after his forces lost power to Mao Zedong\u2019s red armies in the 1940s and decamped to Taiwan.<\/p>\n

The decimation of the CCP after the 1927 defeat \u2013 its membership fell from 58,000 to around 10,000 \u2013 flung most of the surviving leaders away from the cities and into the rural \u2018peasant orientation\u2019 later championed by Mao. This held that China\u2019s most numerous class, the peasantry, were the main focus of revolutionary struggle, with the working class of the cities relegated to a passive supporting role. This lopsided and false approach was bound up with\u00a0the party\u2019s degeneration\u00a0along Stalinist lines, with a\u00a0top-down bureaucratic leadership and increasingly nationalistic perspective.<\/p>\n

\"\"
April 12 1927, massacre of communist workers in Shanghai.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Permanent Revolution<\/strong><\/p>\n

China had emerged from its 1911 revolution as a \u2018failed state\u2019. The old dynastic system had collapsed but the following years showed the incapacity of the bourgeoisie to lead a revolutionary struggle against feudalism, warlordism and foreign domination.<\/p>\n

Like their Russian counterparts, the Chinese capitalists had arrived on the scene late and consequently were heavily dependent both on foreign imperialist interests and also on China\u2019s rural landowning class.<\/p>\n

Under Lenin and Trotsky\u2019s leadership, the Russian Revolution had triumphed as a workers\u2019 revolution which drew behind it the mass of the peasantry and thereby succeeded in abolishing capitalism and landlordism. They understood that the Russian capitalists were too tied to imperialist interests to lead a national capitalist revolution against the existing semi-feudal system and therefore this revolution must be led by the\u00a0working class\u00a0against<\/em> the capitalists.<\/p>\n

This process was elaborated most clearly by Trotsky in his brilliant Theory of the Permanent Revolution. He explained that the workers, once taking power, would not stop at the purely capitalist tasks of the revolution (redistributing the land and establishing a democratic republic) but would press onward, implementing socialist measures of state ownership and workers\u2019 democratic control over the economy and spreading their revolution internationally.<\/p>\n

It was the Russian Mensheviks (right wing social democrats) who in vehement opposition to the Bolsheviks insisted that the revolution needed to march behind a capitalist leadership, with workers\u2019 parties limiting themselves to a supporting role until capitalism had been consolidated \u2013 a process\u00a0they envisaged would take many decades.<\/p>\n

Under Stalinism, this Menshevik \u2018stages theory\u2019 became a hallmark of the official Communist Parties with disastrous results in Spain, Vietnam, Indonesia, Chile, and many other countries. The Chinese revolution was the first where these mistaken ideas became official Communist Party policy, putting a brake on the struggle of the working class in the interests of an \u2018alliance\u2019 with the capitalist Kuomintang.<\/p>\n

Weakness of Chinese capitalism<\/strong><\/p>\n

Sun Yat-sen, the \u201cFather of Modern China\u201d and the Kuomintang\u2019s leader until his death in 1925, personified the political weakness of the Chinese capitalist class. Sun had an exaggerated faith in the imperialist powers and in behind-the-scenes manoeuvres. He was hostile towards the class struggle seeing it as divisive. Sun\u2019s outlook was similar to bourgeois reformers and \u2018democrats\u2019 in China, Hong Kong and Taiwan today.<\/p>\n

The 1917 Russian Revolution brought Marxism to China. Prior to this, many intellectuals had attributed China\u2019s backwardness to the lack of a \u2018strong government\u2019 rather than seeing it as a product of capitalism and imperialism. Chinese intellectuals now began to look to the ideas of Lenin, Trotsky, and the world\u2019s first workers\u2019 government. These intellectuals played the role of revolutionary \u2018yeast\u2019 in helping ferment the growth of Marxist ideas among the young working class. The CCP, founded in 1921, grew within a few years into a mass force.<\/p>\n

The fighting capacity of the Chinese working class began to show itself in several important struggles in the early 1920s, including the epic Hong Kong seamen\u2019s strike of 1922, which shook the whole of China. These movements began to register with the leaders of the Kuomintang. Sun Yat-sen, whose efforts to woo imperialism had led nowhere, now turned to the Soviet Union for military aid but also for a lever to influence the workers\u2019 movement. This resulted in an agreement whereby the Kuomintang received significant military equipment and training and was recognised by Stalin\u2019s government as \u201cthe leading force\u201d in China\u2019s revolution.<\/p>\n

Stalin saw the alliance with the Kuomintang as central to his China policy \u2013 for a friendly regime that would offer a secure eastern border. The Stalinist counterrevolution in the Soviet Union, through which democratic control over the government and economy by the working class was dismantled, meant that the proletarian internationalism of 1917 increasingly gave way to policies serving the national prerogatives of the new bureaucratic elite.<\/p>\n

The CCP was told to submerge its forces into the Kuomintang, described implausibly by the Comintern (Communist International) leadership as an \u201calliance from within\u201d. Sun Yat-sen would not agree to the CCP joining the Kuomintang as a party, only as individual members, which the Comintern\/Stalin agreed to. Accordingly, the CCP was politically subordinated to the Kuomintang\u2019s programme and its bureaucratic leadership. There were misgivings among many of the Chinese communists but the prestige of the Comintern was such that the policy was accepted.<\/p>\n

Trotsky opposed the policy of entry into the Kuomintang, warning it would rob the communists of their political independence. He was not opposed to a more limited bloc around specific actions, for example against the imperialists who occupied key Chinese cities, but Stalin\u2019s line was tantamount to building a common party with the political representatives of the bourgeoisie in which the specific voice of the communists would be lost. As Trotsky warned, this policy proved catastrophic, leading to the complete disorientation of the CCP on questions of perspectives, programme and tactics for the unfolding revolution.<\/p>\n

\"\"
Poster after May 30 Incident of 1925 when British troops shot dead Chinese workers.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Revolutionary upsurge<\/strong><\/p>\n

When British troops shot dead eleven workers on a demonstration in Shanghai in May 1925, this triggered a general strike and a revolutionary upsurge across China\u2019s main cities. Millions of peasants also flooded into peasant associations which in many villages began to operate as embryonic soviets complete with armed militias. CCP membership rocketed from 1,000 to 20,000 in 1925, and then more than doubled the following year. New trade union organisations attracted millions of members.<\/p>\n

The capitalist class and rural landowners whose sons were well represented in the officer corps of the Kuomintang armies grew fearful of the increasingly radical demands of the working class (for shorter work hours and against the terror regime in many factories) and the peasantry (for land reform and against the crushing taxes of the landlord class). These contradictions led to the first sharp clash\u00a0between the Kuomintang leaders and the Communists in Guangzhou, where the Kuomintang set up a \u201cnational government\u201d in July 1925. The Guangzhou working class had even prior to this established a de facto soviet (elected revolutionary workers\u2019 council), which became known as the city\u2019s \u201csecond government\u201d.<\/p>\n

In March 1926, Chiang staged a coup in Guangzhou, claiming to have uncovered a Communist plot to kidnap him. His scheme only succeeded because of the confusion in the leadership of the CCP as a result of their wrong perspectives and orientation. The workers\u2019 Red Guards (not to be confused with the student groups during Mao\u2019s Cultural Revolution) were disarmed and top communists were rounded up, including the Kuomintang\u2019s Russian advisors. This occurred despite the presence of thousands of troops loyal to the CCP, not to mention hundreds of thousands of organised workers, thousands with arms.<\/p>\n

Chiang established a military dictatorship in Guangzhou, ordering workers\u2019 organisations to be disbanded. Incredibly, the Comintern did not raise a finger in protest. Stalin reiterated his position that the alliance with the Kuomintang must be preserved at all costs. Instead of organising workers to resist the coup, the CCP was told to make new concessions including a ban on CCP members holding top positions in the Kuomintang and army, and a requirement that all communications between the CCP and Moscow must pass through the Kuomintang headquarters.<\/p>\n

Criminally, all news of the Guangzhou coup was suppressed within the communist movement internationally because of the embarrassment this would cause the Stalinist leadership. Western press reports of the coup were dismissed as \u201cimperialist fabrications\u201d designed to sow divisions between the CCP and the Kuomintang.<\/p>\n

Warning from Guangzhou<\/strong><\/p>\n

Just days after the Guangzhou coup, the Comintern\u2019s Executive Committee voted to admit the Kuomintang as a sympathising section, with one vote against \u2013 Trotsky\u2019s. \u201cIn preparing himself for the role of an executioner\u201d, Trotsky said, Chiang Kai-shek \u201cwanted to have the cover of world communism \u2013 and he got it.\u201d<\/p>\n

Trotsky\u2019s analysis and his struggle against Stalin\u2019s disastrous China policy was unknown in China and the wider communist movement due to censorship imposed by the Stalinist machine in the name of \u2018party discipline\u2019.<\/p>\n

Nevertheless, opposition to Stalin\u2019s line now began to crystallise within the CCP. In June 1926, the party\u2019s founder and chairperson Chen Duxiu won a majority within its leadership for a proposal to replace the party\u2019s imprisonment inside the Kuomintang with a two-party bloc. This was forwarded to Moscow where it was rejected.<\/p>\n

In February 1927, the workers of Shanghai rose up against the city\u2019s\u00a0warlord ruler Sun Chuanfan and through weeks of street fighting\u00a0defeated his forces, calling a general strike and seizing control of the city\u2019s main arteries such as the railway and printing presses. This victory was achieved well\u00a0before Chiang Kai-shek\u2019s\u00a0\u2018Northern Expedition\u2019 armies reached\u00a0the city. The workers\u2019 organisations controlled the city, but this was not a sufficiently conscious\u00a0movement.<\/p>\n

What was necessary was to announce the formation of a workers\u2019 and peasants\u2019 government standing for immediate nationalisation of major enterprises, land reform, termination of foreign concessions, democratic rights and the formation of soviets across China. A special appeal should have been aimed at the rank and file soldiers in the Kuomintang-led army through the building of soldiers\u2019 soviets allied to the workers and peasants. Tragically, no such call was issued because\u00a0the CCP was trapped in the concept\u00a0of an \u201call classes\u201d movement under the leadership of the\u00a0\u201crevolutionary bourgeoisie\u201d.<\/p>\n

Rather than separate historical events or stages, revolution and counter-revolution are opposite sides of an unfolding process. This is why the working class needs a party with a clear programme and leadership to achieve socialism. The tragedy of the Chinese Revolution was that the workers were deprived of such leadership. The young Communist Party was a heroic force but it was not yet a Bolshevik party, and its potential to so develop was sabotaged by the policies foisted upon it by Stalin\u2019s regime.<\/p>\n

The Guangzhou events were a dress rehearsal for the much bloodier showdown in Shanghai one year later. Unfortunately, only one side was prepared for this: the capitalist counter-revolution. For the mass of workers and peasants and even their advanced layer the most important lessons of Guangzhou \u2013 the danger of counter-revolution and the programme and methods needed to fight it \u2013 had not been assimilated. Up to the moment when he struck his killer blow, Chiang Kai-shek was still presented in official communist propaganda as an ally and \u201cleader of the revolution\u201d.<\/p>\n

For further reading on the Chinese Revolution of 1925-27 we recommend:<\/strong><\/p>\n

Harold Isaacs, The Tragedy of the Chinese Revolution (1938)<\/p>\n

Leon Trotsky, Problems of the Chinese Revolution (1927-1931)<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/p>\n

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