{"id":14658,"date":"2017-04-29T18:11:54","date_gmt":"2017-04-29T10:11:54","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/chinaworker.info\/?p=14658"},"modified":"2017-05-02T21:05:24","modified_gmt":"2017-05-02T13:05:24","slug":"hong-kongs-election-ruled-by-the-0-2-percent","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/en\/2017\/04\/29\/14658\/","title":{"rendered":"Hong Kong\u2019s election: Ruled by the 0.02 percent"},"content":{"rendered":"

Chief Executive-elect\u00a0Carrie Lam won with 777 votes<\/strong><\/p>\n

Dikang, Socialist Action (CWI in Hong Kong)<\/p>\n

On 26 March the Chief Executive (CE) election charade completed its final act. Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor was chosen by a grand total of 777 votes in a city of 3.8 million registered voters. That\u2019s 0.02 percent!<\/p>\n

Her main rival, the former financial secretary John Tsang Chun-wah, got 365 votes mostly from the pan-democrats sitting in the elite Election Committee.<\/p>\n

Socialist Action strongly criticised the pan-democratic parties not only for lending \u201clegitimacy\u201d to the sham election process but for supporting Tsang\u00a0\u2013 a central establishment figure who like Lam stands for neo-liberal and anti-democratic policies.<\/p>\n

\u201cMeddling\u201d <\/strong><\/p>\n

Hong Kong\u2019s Beijing-controlled \u2018election\u2019 system has taken the concept of election rigging to a whole new level. While the trappings of democracy are in place \u2013 street marches, petitioning, political parties \u2013 it is the \u2018Communist\u2019 dictatorship (CCP) which alone chooses the government and its main policies. Even the Election Committee of 1,194\u00a0which is dominated by pro-CCP businesspeople is largely a decorative fixture to mask the fact that the territory\u2019s leader and government are\u00a0chosen in Beijing.<\/p>\n

Yet despite a contest that was micro-managed even more than previously, this year\u2019s CE battle could not hide the serious strains and contradictions building up within the CCP\u2019s system for imposing its rule upon Hong Kong. Growing divisions at the top are a reflection of the swirl of mass opposition at society\u2019s base and splits within the Chinese regime itself.<\/p>\n

The dismissal late last year of incumbent Leung Chun-ying (\u2018CY\u2019) was one sure sign. He was dismissed because his five-year stint in power has been extremely costly for Beijing, by alienating large sections of the Hong Kong population, undermining support for China\u2019s sovereignty, creating mass support for independence and further discrediting the government\u2019s capitalist agenda.<\/p>\n

Once Lam was picked as Leung\u2019s successor, with the CCP believing she is best suited to continue his policies of attacking and constraining the democracy movement, her victory was never in doubt. But despite this, CCP officials waged an unprecedented campaign to insure their own loyalists supported her in the vote. Hence we saw the curious spectacle of the CCP furiously working to manipulate an election that\u00a0was already rigged by design.<\/p>\n

\"\"
Carrie Lam meets her boss, Xi Jinping.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Election \u201cfarce\u201d <\/strong><\/p>\n

This led to splits and recriminations even within sections of the pro-Beijing camp, as with the venomous hardliner Regina Ip Lau Suk-yee who failed to gather enough nominations and in her own words was \u201csqueezed out\u201d of the contest. Afterwards, Ip\u2019s political advisor Mark Pinkstone, officially commenting without her approval, dismissed the election as a \u201cfarce\u201d and complained of \u201cmeddling\u201d by Beijing\u2019s officials which he said violated the \u201cone country, two systems\u201d principle (the official term for\u00a0Hong Kong\u2019s semi-autonomous status).\u00a0Such comments \u2013 in public \u2013 are unprecedentedly sharp coming from members of the pro-Beijing camp.<\/p>\n

By contrast in the 2012 CE election Beijing indicated no preference between the two main candidates, CY Leung and Henry Tang Ying-yen. Tang was initially seen as Beijing\u2019s favourite, but the regime did not intervene when his campaign imploded due to a series of scandals leaked by the \u2018CY\u2019 camp.<\/p>\n

The reason for this year\u2019s excessive \u201cmeddling\u201d was the CCP\u2019s fear that a slender win for Lam would condemn her government to \u201clame duck\u201d status from the outset. It would also further discredit the undemocratic political system. Likewise, Beijing was desperate to paper over the cracks within Hong Kong\u2019s capitalist pro-Beijing establishment by whipping its representatives into \u2018united\u2019 support for Lam, preventing any establishment \u2018protest votes\u2019 going to other candidates.<\/p>\n

Their aim was that Lam should get a higher vote than the 689 won by CY Leung in 2012. The elite-level divisions have not been bridged and will erupt into the open again, but in the short-term Beijing achieved its aim.<\/p>\n

Paying the price for Beijing\u2019s aggressive support, Lam emerges as Hong Kong\u2019s least popular CE-elect ever. Her popularity rating in opinion polls is just 30 percent, which is lower than CY Leung\u2019s five years ago.\u00a0As with Beijing\u2019s economic policies built on the biggest debt pile in world history, the regime has bought short-term political \u201csuccess\u201d by further undermining its long-term position.<\/p>\n

Lam has been given the nickname \u201cCY 2.0\u201d which accurately sums up the main direction of her policies: anti-democratic and pro-big business. To shake off her unpopularity she is attempting to distance herself from her predecessor and his slavish obedience to China\u2019s Liaison Office. She is offering \u201cdialogue\u201d and \u201creconciliation\u201d but this is largely cosmetic.<\/p>\n

On secondary issues like the unpopular Territory-wide System Assessment (TSA) school exams\u00a0and calls to re-open a fenced compound at the Government Offices (so-called \u2018Civic Square\u2019), Lam may make concessions. But on fundamental issues she cannot offer change even if she wanted to. Her government is hemmed in by the CCP\u2019s deathly fear of democratic reforms and the Hong Kong capitalists\u2019 insistence on unflinching neo-liberal and pro-rich economics.<\/p>\n

Pan-democrats\u2019 shame<\/strong><\/p>\n

The decision of the pan-democratic leaders to vote for John Tsang Chun-wah to become Chief Executive broke the mould in terms of Hong Kong politics. Not surprisingly, CY Leung mocked the pan-democrats, \u201cDoes it mean John Tsang Chun-wah is their representative?\u201d<\/p>\n

Tsang has been one of the most prominent pro-establishment politicians of the past decade. He served as financial secretary from 2007 to 2016 delivering nine savagely neo-liberal budgets. He achieved infamy by every year underestimating the government\u2019s monster fiscal surpluses \u2013 money which he refused to spend to improve public services or address the shameful lack of a universal pensions system.<\/p>\n

The number of millionaires in Hong Kong more than doubled on Tsang\u2019s watch \u2013 from 348,000 in 2008 to 878,000 last year. Meanwhile the number of people in \u2018working poor\u2019 families (with at least one wage-earner but under the official poverty line) reached a new record in 2015 of 647,500, according to Oxfam.<\/p>\n

Neither has Tsang made any\u00a0secret of his support for enacting Article 23 national security legislation which would severely impact democratic rights. He defends the \u2018831\u2019 ruling of China\u2019s dictatorship which forbids genuine democratic elections in Hong Kong.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe pan-democrats crossed a red line by supporting an establishment representative based on the bankrupt argument of lesser evilism,\u201d said Sally Tang Mei-ching of Socialist Action. \u201cIt is a violation of what the democracy struggle stands for and unfortunately there are no signs the pan-democrats learned their lesson. We fear they may repeat this fiasco by trying to reach even worse deals with the establishment,\u201d she said.<\/p>\n

By providing 90 percent of Tsang\u2019s 365 votes in the Election Committee, the pan-democrats lent support to his neo-liberal and reactionary programme. They endorsed the electoral \u201cfarce\u201d (the word used by Regina Ip\u2019s political advisor) and even helped spread the idea that president Xi Jinping would come to the rescue at the last minute by ordering a vote for Tsang and saving us all from Lam. It is hard to imagine a more misplaced and desperate \u2018theory\u2019.<\/p>\n

The\u00a0pan-democrats\u2019 votes also lent credence to China\u2019s \u2018831\u2019 ruling insisting on screened establishment-only candidates under the false label of\u00a0\u2018universal suffrage\u2019. This sparked the mass Umbrella Movement in 2014 and that pressure forced the pan-democrats to vote down the proposals in Hong Kong\u2019s legislature (where with one-third of votes they wield\u00a0a veto). But voting for Tsang in an establishment-only contest is tantamount to accepting Beijing\u2019s narrow framework. Nowhere, and never, has this approach succeeded in winning democratic rights. Mass struggle and a firm, fighting leadership is the only sure approach.<\/p>\n

\"\"
John Tsang\u2019s campaign was supported by the pan-democratic leaders.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

A new fighting democratic movement must be built<\/strong><\/p>\n

The Hong Kong democracy struggle has stalled and suffered setbacks since the pivotal year of 2014 when Beijing abandoned its pretence and said a loud \u201cno\u201d to universal suffrage.<\/p>\n

The CCP fears democracy like the devil fears holy water. Even democratic concessions in tiny Hong Kong would start a chain reaction through China leading to its downfall. That is why the idea of compromise with the dictatorship is doomed to failure \u2013 like asking the devil to drink \u201cjust a little\u201d holy water!<\/p>\n

Unfortunately, the pan-democratic leaders have drawn precisely the opposite conclusion. The more repressive Beijing becomes the more they cling to the hope they can \u2018petition the emperor\u2019 for a deal.<\/p>\n

An urgent political reorientation is needed \u2013 starting by recognising reality for what it is, not the compromise fantasy of the pan-democrats. Socialist Action stands for the rebuilding of the democracy struggle as a fighting grassroots movement, controlled democratically by its base through elected committees. This means a radical change from the elitist \u2018main stage\u2019 model that has so far characterised democratic protests, whereby mostly self-appointed \u2018leaders\u2019, NGOs and politicians decide all the big questions.<\/p>\n

The biggest weakness of the Umbrella Movement in 2014, despite its impressive numbers (an estimated 2.3 million people took part), was the lack of a clear leadership and programme. This includes the need to spread the struggle to China. That idea was especially rejected by localist groups (a right-wing chauvinist pro-independence trend), who have become a shocking example of where you end up when you lack strategy. The localists are in full-scale retreat, blaming each other, and in some cases emigrating in order to \u201clove Hong Kong\u201d from abroad.<\/p>\n

No democratic change can be won in Hong Kong unless it also turns into a struggle for the overthrow of the CCP regime and the capitalist system, which increasingly needs repressive and undemocratic measures to maximise its super-profits. The most important weapon in the fight for real democracy therefore is a new working class party with socialist policies.<\/p>\n

The role of organised workers as the main social force for winning democratic rights has been shown throughout history, from Brazil in the 1970s-80s to South Korea in the 1980s-90s. By linking this struggle with the need for real jobs, decent wages, and radical action to solve the housing crisis, and financing this through taking the big companies and banks into democratic public ownership, a fighting democracy movement in Hong Kong would echo across China and the region, developing an unstoppable attraction.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Chief Executive-elect\u00a0Carrie Lam won with 777 votes<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":33,"featured_media":14659,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"tdm_status":"","tdm_grid_status":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[132,133,124],"tags":[7898,7296,7294,2514,7896,3923,7900],"class_list":{"0":"post-14658","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-china","8":"category-hong-kong","9":"category-news","10":"tag-7898","11":"tag-carrie-lam","12":"tag-chief-executive","13":"tag-cy-leung","14":"tag-election-committee","15":"tag-john-tsang","16":"tag-npcs-831-ruling"},"yoast_head":"\nHong Kong\u2019s election: Ruled by the 0.02 percent - China Worker<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/en\/2017\/04\/29\/14658\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Hong Kong\u2019s election: Ruled by the 0.02 percent - 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