{"id":15506,"date":"2017-08-17T01:33:36","date_gmt":"2017-08-16T17:33:36","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/chinaworker.info\/?p=15506"},"modified":"2017-08-17T23:56:53","modified_gmt":"2017-08-17T15:56:53","slug":"hong-kong-democracy-movement-stunned-by-raft-of-authoritarian-measures","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/en\/2017\/08\/17\/15506\/","title":{"rendered":"Hong Kong: Democracy movement stunned by raft of authoritarian measures"},"content":{"rendered":"

Jailing of 13 young democracy activists for thirteen months raises the bar on government repression \u2013 coordinated fight back is needed!<\/strong><\/p>\n

Dikang, Socialist Action<\/p>\n

Hong Kong is reeling under a raft of undemocratic measures from Carrie Lam\u2019s new government. A new milestone in repression was reached when thirteen young activists were jailed for 13 months on Tuesday, 15 August (one, who pleaded \u2018guilty\u2019, received an eight-month sentence). Among the thirteen is Raphael Wong Ho-ming, the vice chairman of the League of Social Democrats (LSD). Faning Yim, 25, a former member of Socialist Action (CWI in Hong Kong) is another.\u00a0The youngest of these political prisoners is just 21 years old.<\/p>\n

The thirteen were arrested after a protest in 2014 against land grabs in which a section of the demonstration forced open the doors to the legislature (Legco), damaging a door and causing light injuries to a security guard. Raphael Wong has been jailed despite clear evidence that he tried to prevent protesters entering the Legco building. It is not just the savagery of these sentences that has sent shock waves through the ranks of the city\u2019s democracy movement, but the obvious manipulation of the trial process by the government.<\/p>\n

The accused were all sentenced to community service at a trial last year, sentences they have already served. The government appealed these \u201clight\u201d sentences and the appeal judges have effectively upgraded the charges from \u201cunlawful assembly\u201d to \u201criot\u201d, completely backing up the government\u2019s hard line. The ruling goes against the principle of double jeopardy \u2013 not being tried twice for the same crime.<\/p>\n

\"\"
Thirteen activists sentenced to 13-months in prison.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Xi Jinping\u2019s law<\/strong><\/p>\n

This case exposes the courts in Hong Kong and so-called \u2018rule of law\u2019 as a sham. The courts are not independent, but have become an arm of the Chinese dictatorship and its authoritarian agenda for Hong Kong.\u00a0As Sally Tang Mei-Ching of Socialist Action said, addressing a mass protest in support of the jailed campaigners, \u201cDo we have rule of law? No, we only have Xi Jinping\u2019s law!\u201d<\/p>\n

Another imminent trial of former student leaders, whose protest in 2014 triggered the mass 79-day Umbrella Revolution, is likely to follow the same pattern with previous \u201clight\u201d sentences overturned in favour of jail terms. The three include well-known youth activist Joshua Wong, 20, and former legislator Nathan Law, 24, who along with three others was recently expelled from the Legco in yet another highly politicised trial.<\/p>\n

Read also:\u00a0Film review: Joshua \u2013 Teenager vs. Superpower\u00a0\u27b5<\/a><\/h4>\n

 <\/p>\n

Those sentenced to more than three months in prison will be banned from standing in elections for five years. This is clearly one of the aims of the government which initiated all these court actions. For Law, the expelled legislator, this would bar him from contesting an upcoming by-election to reclaim his seat.<\/p>\n

\u201cShock and awe\u201d repression<\/strong><\/p>\n

Carrie Lam\u2019s government was installed on July 1. She lacks any popular mandate having been \u2018elected\u2019 by just 777 elite voters under the authoritarian fake election system. She has confirmed the warnings, made here on chinaworker.info<\/strong> and elsewhere, that her government would be \u201cCY 2.0\u201d, by continuing the hardline repressive policies of her predecessor, CY Leung.<\/p>\n

Read also: Hong Kong\u2019s election \u2013 Ruled by the 0.02 percent\u00a0\u27b5<\/a><\/h4>\n

 <\/p>\n

In fact, Lam\u2019s rule is more repressive than CY\u2019s. In just six weeks there has been a succession of unprecedented attacks on democratic rights that even CY couldn\u2019t match. It is clearly a calculated plan by the government to squeeze the democratic opposition in a \u2018pincer movement\u2019 of synchronised attacks. The timeline of these attacks is clearly designed to achieve a \u201cshock and awe\u201d effect to demoralise the opposition:<\/p>\n

July 1:<\/strong> Carrie Lam installed as Chief Executive on 20th anniversary of the handover to China. Visiting Chinese leader Xi Jinping makes bloodcurdling speech warning Hong Kong not to cross \u201cred line\u201d in challenging China\u2019s control.<\/p>\n

July 14:<\/strong> The disqualification of four radical lawmakers (making six in total) on bogus \u201coath-taking\u201d offences.<\/p>\n

July 25:<\/strong> The government\u2019s high-speed train proposal confirms that mainland security personnel will legally operate in Hong Kong for the first time.<\/p>\n

August 1:<\/strong> Lam\u2019s intention to revive the discredited school brainwashing plan (so-called national education) is confirmed by the appointment of Christine Choi Yuk-lin as undersecretary for education. Choi is a hardline pro-Beijing ideologue who has long campaigned for this policy.<\/p>\n

August 15:<\/strong> The unprecedented retrial of the 13 leads to savage jail sentences, setting the stage for more harsh jail sentences as a weapon against mass protests and a method of \u201cculling\u201d radical pro-democracy candidates in future elections.<\/p>\n

August 17:<\/strong> The possibility of a similar outcome when the judgement on three former student leaders is delivered.<\/p>\n

Combined these measures represent a massive, coordinated, and unprecedented attack on democratic rights in Hong Kong. It\u2019s clear the government, mentored by its overlords in the Chinese regime, is following a strategy, a roadmap even, to push back and disassemble the democracy struggle which has been a thorn in Beijing\u2019s side for many years.<\/p>\n

Every new attack from Lam\u2019s government or its politically-allied judiciary is applauded by the establishment parties, reaching saturation point on social media (which is not hard to manipulate with unlimited financial resources) as well as small but well publicised protests against the victims, organised by the pro-government parties to give the illusion of public support for the government\u2019s agenda.<\/p>\n

\"\"
Disqualified lawmakers.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Opposition paralysis<\/strong><\/p>\n

Unfortunately, the opposition and the dominant pan-democratic parties (bourgeois liberals) have no counter-strategy to meet this attack and defend democratic rights. On the contrary, these leaders have in many cases been lured into the trap of seeing Lam as a more \u201creasonable\u201d and \u201cpragmatic\u201d leader than CY Leung, and believe they can strike deals with her government. This disastrously false reading of the situation leads them into passivity and to shrink from sanctioning a mass fight back against the attacks. In words they condemn the repression, but there is no action apart from limited almost ritual protests.<\/p>\n

The government has drawn lessons from the mighty Umbrella Movement which shook the ruling elite in China and Hong Kong. They have largely \u2018outsourced\u2019 repression to the British-schooled judicial system. This is because illusions in the \u2018independence\u2019 of the courts and \u2018rule of law\u2019 still exist among the masses \u2013 and not least among the pan-democratic tops (many of whom are lawyers). These illusions need to be challenged head-on using the latest blatantly political judgements as proof and explaining the real role of the courts as an arm of the state which defends the rich and powerful.<\/p>\n

Today, in an unprecedented development for Hong Kong, the courts are being used to strike strategic blows against the democracy movement, especially its younger activists and more radical layer, including many who would be candidates in coming elections for the semi-democratic legislature.<\/p>\n

Also, as shown in the case of the six expelled lawmakers, the courts are being used to bankrupt and financially ruin anti-government organisations and individuals. The courts not only evicted the legislators and in the process tore up 180,000 democratically cast ballots, but also imposed HK$18 million in costs against them (including the demand to repay nine months of legislative salaries and staff expenses).<\/p>\n

The use of the law courts in this way to repress and financially paralyse the opposition is a hallmark of the \u2018Singapore model\u2019 of one-party dictatorship, but it marks a sharp departure from the softer form of authoritarian rule (pseudo democracy) of Hong Kong\u2019s past.<\/p>\n

\"\"
Demonstration outside Government Headquarters in solidarity with the 13 political prisoners.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Beijing has a plan<\/strong><\/p>\n

It is clear \u00a0the attacks are coordinated as part of a grand plan directed by Beijing. The political trials and increasingly harsh sentences are linked to the Legco purge and by-elections, with the aim of eliminating at least some of the six unseated legislators from standing for re-election. Any other result would be a big blow to the government\u2019s anti-democratic agenda and is therefore extremely unlikely. The government has not gone to all this trouble to exclude its opponents only to allow itself to be overturned through elections \u2013 such thinking is too \u201cdemocratic\u201d for the ruling group.<\/p>\n

Read also: Hong Kong \u2013 For a mass campaign of resistance against the Legco coup\u00a0\u27b5<\/a><\/h4>\n

The purge is linked to ramming through controversial authoritarian measures like the national education plan and high-speed train \u2018co-location\u2019 plan (a station terminal with both mainland and Hong Kong security personnel), because the pro-government camp now have a \u2018super majority\u2019 and can rewrite the Legco rule book to abolish democratic features like the filibuster, which has been used to frustrate the government\u2019s agenda in the past.<\/p>\n

The high-speed train issue is presented as a \u201ctime saving\u201d measure, allowing passengers to check-in through both sets of immigration and customs at the same time, but in reality this is political manoeuvre to accustom Hong Kongers to the presence of mainland police implementing mainland laws (within the station area and on the train) for the first time in Hong Kong\u2019s history.<\/p>\n

It means that the train even as it passes through Hong Kong is under Chinese laws, with political criticism of the regime or banned topics like the June 4 massacre theoretically outlawed. The government has so far not confirmed if for example banned internet sites like Facebook will also be blocked on the train. Socialist Action is calling for a mass boycott campaign against the train, which also looks set to be a colossal financial white elephant.<\/p>\n

How to fight back?<\/strong><\/p>\n

The current serious situation in Hong Kong cries out for a clear, organised fight back. There is massive anger and discontent in society, as well as fear over the tightening grip of authoritarian rule. Carrie Lam\u2019s popularity has sunk sharply from its low starting point. But unfortunately there is a crisis of leadership for the democracy struggle.<\/p>\n

Most pan-democratic parties are still \u201cfighting the last war\u201d, whereas the regime has moved on and developed new legal weapons and tactics to attack, split and isolate sections of the opposition. In a city that has been rocked by massive protests in recent years \u2013 over half a million on the streets in July 2013 and up to 1.2 million during the Umbrella mass protests \u2013 it is a striking fact that to date no major demonstration has been called to resist the Legco purge, the train, or the political repression in general.<\/p>\n

In the South China Morning Post (16 August) political commentator Andrew Fung accurately describes, \u201ca general sense of frustration and bewilderment, as well as a lack of direction, among strong supporters of the opposition parties.\u201d<\/p>\n

But Fung is really wide of the mark when he adds, \u201cThe people have not \u2018risen up\u2019 as expected. Only a small number joined recent demonstrations, and very few have showed up outside the courts or police stations to support radicals facing trial and Occupy leaders facing prosecution.\u201d<\/p>\n

The reality is that the pan-democratic tops, still clinging to the idea of \u201creconciliation\u201d with Lam\u2019s government, have imposed a de facto embargo on mass protests. There is little doubt that in the current tumultuous atmosphere many thousands would respond if a serious call were issued to come out and protest. But after the experiences of recent years people are also aware that \u201cone more demonstration\u201d, while it\u2019s a start, is not enough to stop the government\u2019s attacks. A more comprehensive strategy is needed to rebuild and politically retool the democracy struggle.<\/p>\n

\"\"
Sally Tang Mei-Ching addresses protest at Legco on August 16.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Make\u00a0\u2018928\u2019 a day of mass struggle<\/strong><\/p>\n

Speaking to over 2,000 mostly young protesters on the night of August 16, at a rally in solidarity with the thirteen, Sally Tang Mei-Ching of Socialist Action made a number of points to address this lack of a fighting strategy. Pointing to the very good turnout for a protest called at just 24 hours notice she said, \u201cWhat we need is to mobilise more at the weekend, more people for a demo, outside the prisons!\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cThese are not single issues! They are a series of attacks on democracy! We can\u2019t fight separately!<\/p>\n

\u201cSocialist Action proposes to have a day of mass struggle on \u2018928\u2019 [September 28] \u2013 to mobilise everyone on the 3rd anniversary of the Umbrella Revolution \u2013 we have one month to do this, to resist the repression, we urge everyone and all groups to discuss this.\u201d<\/p>\n

Sally received a very good response, with several people approaching her afterwards to express agreement with what she raised. If the movement prepares now, \u2018928\u2019 could be turned into a huge anti-government protest, with a central demonstration, mass leafleting of subway stations, and \u2013 if support can be built \u2013 strikes by students and school students in solidarity with the political prisoners and to defend democracy. This could mark a turning point that reignites the mass struggle in Hong Kong around the following demands:<\/p>\n

    \n
  • Free the thirteen! Drop the charges against political protesters!<\/li>\n
  • Oppose the Legco purge!<\/li>\n
  • Oppose repression and Xi Jinping law!<\/li>\n
  • Boycott the high-speed railway. Mainland police and security out of Hong Kong!<\/li>\n
  • Defend democratic rights, down with the unelected government! For full and immediate democracy, no compromise!<\/li>\n
  • Fight Carrie Lam\u2019s authoritarian pro-billionaire agenda. Tax the rich and build cheap public housing for the masses. For a democratically elected government of working people and the poor to break with billionaire rule!<\/li>\n
  • For a united struggle of the masses in China and Hong Kong to defeat the \u2018CCP\u2019 dictatorship!<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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