{"id":15866,"date":"2017-09-20T00:45:11","date_gmt":"2017-09-19T16:45:11","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/chinaworker.info\/?p=15866"},"modified":"2017-09-20T21:43:06","modified_gmt":"2017-09-20T13:43:06","slug":"hong-kong-establishment-camp-increasing-political-repression","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/en\/2017\/09\/20\/15866\/","title":{"rendered":"Hong Kong: Pro-Beijing politicians threaten to kill independence supporters"},"content":{"rendered":"

Government steps up political repression \u2022 University campuses the new battleground<\/strong>
\n<\/p>\n

Dikang, Socialist Action (CWI in Hong Kong)<\/p>\n

Hong Kong\u2019s pro-government camp is stepping up it<\/span>s vicious campaign of repression against the pro-democracy camp, especially singling out supporters of independence. Support for independence has become increasingly popular among young people as the Chinese dictatorship\u2019s repression intensifies and spills into Hong Kong. A June opinion poll showed 21.9 percent of those aged 25-39 support Hong Kong independence, a slight dip from 23.9 percent in 2016. But clearly, the ferocious campaign by the establishment and mainstream media to demonise independence has only had a very limited effect.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

The majority of the pro-democracy parties in Hong Kong oppose independence, while some smaller more radical parties adopt a vague position, listing it as \u201cone of the options\u201d, without putting forward a coherent strategy to realise it. Nevertheless the independence issue is used incessantly by the pro-government camp to justify greater repression. This is linked to the shrill Chinese nationalism of the Beijing regime. It is for this reason that former Chief Executive and pro-Beijing hardliner, Leung Chun-ying, who was the architect of many of today\u2019s repressive measures, is also known as the\u00a0\u201cfather of Hong Kong independence\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

With the start of the new school term in September, pro-independence banners appeared on the campus of Chinese University of Hong Kong, attracting huge publicity and controversy. Similar banners then appeared at several other campuses. The university authorities, egged on by the Beijing loyalist camp, have taken\u00a0a hard line against the banners, removing them and vowing to punish those responsible. This conflict is still escalating at the time of writing.<\/p>\n

Call a one-day student strike\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

The banner issue has been seized upon by the pro-government camp to justify new intrusive restrictions on campus political activity, and to provide a nationalistic soundtrack for the next steps in its wider repressive agenda. The basic rights of students are at stake such as freedom of speech, of political thought, and the right to organise freely, and not only for students.<\/p>\n

The university authorities have no legal basis for the measures they are taking. There is as yet no law against advocating or debating independence in Hong Kong.\u00a0But this is clearly something the \u201cMad Dog\u201d wing of the establishment wants to change. <\/span><\/p>\n

Socialist Action stands firmly for the defence of the democratic rights and freedom of speech of students and all other groups. We say debating independence is a democratic right, not a crime. To\u00a0resist new repressive restrictions students need to organise actively on campus \u2013 a one-day strike of university students would be the most effective response as a way to launch mass resistance to the political crackdown.<\/span><\/p>\n

Using pro-independence activists such as the Hong Kong localists as a scarecrow to justify repression is a favoured tactic from the Chinese regime\u2019s playbook. It should be remembered that the disqualification of six elected legislators, overturning September\u2019s election results, began with the removal of two localists representing Youngspiration, a small right-wing racist group. The government was able to test the ground by targeting the two, who showed themselves to be exceptionally ill-prepared to offer any campaign of resistance. <\/span><\/p>\n

Seeing there was no major public reaction, and with the main pan-democratic (liberal bourgeois) parties effectively sitting on the fence over these disqualifications, the establishment camp took this as a green light to widen its attack. It moved against the radical wing of the pan-democrats, targeting a further four legislators including\u00a0\u2018Long Hair\u2019 Leung Kwok-hung of the League of Social Democrats (LSD).\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"
Pro-independence posters on student union’s democracy wall at Chinese U.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Blue ribbon rally<\/strong><\/p>\n

On Sunday 17 September a rally was organised by pro-government\u00a0\u2018blue ribbon\u2019 supporters including criminal gangs. At this rally, politician Junius Ho\u00a0Kwan-yiu and other pro-government figures called for pro-independence activists to be \u201ckilled\u201d, with Ho adding\u00a0it was \u201cnot a big deal\u00a0to kill pigs or dogs.\u201d\u00a0<\/span>A government spokesman later claimed Ho\u2019s public remarks did not amount to an incitement to violence! This is at a time when peaceful democracy protesters are being jailed for allegedly inciting violent behaviour.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ho is also pursuing a political vendetta against liberal professor Benny Tai\u00a0Yiu-ting, a prominent figure in the\u00a0\u2018Occupy Central\u2019 campaign of 2013-14. Ho argues that Tai should not be allowed to teach law students at Hong Kong University because of his advocacy for civil disobedience. Ho initiated a petition with an alleged 80,000 signatures demanding Tai\u2019s dismissal.<\/span><\/p>\n

In a separate development, Benny Tai went on trial on Tuesday 19 September on charges connected with the 2014 Umbrella Movement. He is charged with <\/span>conspiracy to commit public nuisance, inciting others to commit public nuisance, and inciting others to incite others to commit public nuisance. <\/span><\/p>\n

Tai may receive a jail sentence which is becoming the \u2018new normal\u2019 in Hong Kong\u2019s political trials. The top judiciary has largely been incorporated into the Chinese regime\u2019s system of oppression. Tai\u2019s case follows the jailing of 16 young activists in August for terms of up to 13 months. Many more political show trials are in the pipeline, with the government intent on decapitating the democracy struggle and especially targeting its most radical components such as the LSD and the student-led Demosisto.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"
Sunday 17 September pro-government anti-independence rally.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

China\u2019s problem<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

The crackdown in Hong Kong has been ordered by the Chinese dictatorship and echoes an even more chilling attack on dissent inside China.<\/span><\/p>\n

Hong Kong is a bourgeois \u2018semi democracy\u2019 where rights such as a relatively free press, partially open elections, the right of assembly and free speech, have been won by mass struggle over several decades. The last parliamentary elections in September 2016 resulted in a strengthening of opposition parties and groups despite the government having an in-built majority in the Legco. This became the starting signal for a concerted offensive \u2013 a political counter-revolution \u2013 by the government.<\/span><\/p>\n

Beijing evidently feels threatened that the mass democracy struggle in Hong Kong could spread to mainland China and inspire demands for democratic rights there. Despite its outward projection of power and economic strength, the ruling\u00a0 \u2018Communist\u2019 party-state and its \u2018core leader\u2019 Xi Jinping face an array of potentially devastating crises: a debt crunch, galloping social inequality, heightened global tensions and the risk of mass unrest. <\/span><\/p>\n

The regime fears that Hong Kong\u2019s stubborn tendency to protest in defence of democratic rights, as brilliantly displayed on 20 August when up to 140,000 people crammed the streets over the jailing of the young activists, could become the fuse for an all-China political conflagration.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Socialist Action and the chinaworker.info<\/strong> website closely follow and comment on political developments in Hong Kong and China with the aim of making the democracy struggle as effective as possible. While we condemn the victimisation of pan-democratic politicians and activists such as Benny Tai Yiu-ting, and have initiated numerous protests against the repression, we do not hesitate to highlight what we believe are the mistakes in the political position of the pan-democrats and counterpose what is necessary for the advancement of the struggle.<\/p>\n

The liberal pro-capitalist democrats have unfortunately time after time applied the brakes to mass struggle, partly in fear they will lose control to more \u2018radical\u2019<\/span>\u00a0forces, and partly in the false belief that their\u00a0\u2018moderation\u2019\u00a0<\/span>can secure democratic concessions and make possible a deal with the dictatorship. In reality, the opposite is true. Today\u2019s unprecedented crackdown<\/span>\u00a0shows that the only\u00a0\u2018deal\u2019<\/span>\u00a0possible with the dictatorship will be on the bones of Hong Kong\u2019s\u00a0<\/span>democratic rights.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Only militant mass struggle can defeat the current repressive onslaught. To succeed the struggle needs a strategy to replace dictatorial rule \u2013 in China and Hong Kong \u2013 with a fully democratic system which will only be possible by decisively breaking from the framework of corrupt capitalism and the dictatorship of the billionaire 1%.<\/p>\n

\"\"
August 20 mass demo for release of political prisoners.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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