{"id":17277,"date":"2018-03-20T01:32:06","date_gmt":"2018-03-19T17:32:06","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/chinaworker.info\/?p=17277"},"modified":"2018-04-04T04:23:40","modified_gmt":"2018-04-03T20:23:40","slug":"q-a-on-the-governments-crackdown","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/en\/2018\/03\/20\/17277\/","title":{"rendered":"Q & A on the Hong Kong government\u2019s crackdown"},"content":{"rendered":"

Hong Kong\u2019s democracy movement, which has mobilised millions in the past 20 years, is under attack<\/strong><\/p>\n

Adam N. Lee, socialism.hk<\/p>\n

The government is rigging elections, jailing activists and rolling out new laws to force obedience to the Chinese dictatorship.\u00a0Our\u00a0\u2018questions and answers\u2019 deals with the most common questions.<\/p>\n

Is Hong Kong a democracy?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Hong Kong has never had a democratic political system. Its government is not elected. According to the Economist Intelligence Unit\u2019s global \u2018Democracy Index\u2019, Hong Kong is ranked 71 in the world, on the same level as Paraguay\u00a0and\u00a0Namibia.\u00a0Hong Kong\u2019s Chief Executive\u00a0is chosen once every five years by a committee (1,194 members) dominated by billionaires and millionaires. The Chinese regime controls the process\u00a0\u2013\u00a0only its candidates can win. The current Chief Executive, Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor, was chosen in March 2017 with just 777 votes.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/p>\n

Why is the Hong Kong government banning election candidates and disqualifying elected legislators?<\/strong><\/p>\n

It\u00a0wants\u00a0to quell the democracy movement and demands for genuine elections (universal suffrage).\u00a0It follows orders from\u00a0the Chinese regime, which fears the democracy struggle will \u2018infect\u2019 China, endangering its hold on power. Six opposition legislators have been\u00a0disqualified \u2013\u00a0referred to as \u2018DQ\u2019 \u2013\u00a0from the Legislative Council (Legco)\u00a0using\u00a0new rules to declare the oaths they swore were \u201cinvalid\u201d. The government has banned more than a dozen individuals from standing in elections.<\/p>\n

Some parties are also now banned\u00a0as in the case of student-led Demosisto. Some former election candidates are banned because the courts put them in jail\u00a0\u2013\u00a0on government orders. Even Hong Kong\u2019s mini-constitution the Basic Law says everyone has a right to stand in elections, but in reality this is not the case.<\/p>\n

Is the government acting within the law?<\/strong><\/p>\n

It is trying to hide\u00a0its\u00a0political agenda of increased authoritarian control behind a smokescreen of upholding the law. The government\u2019s\u00a0Justice Department ordered the court to \u2018re-sentence\u2019 young protesters in August 2017,\u00a0who were initially given non-custodial sentences\u00a0(community work)\u00a0after being found guilty of \u201cunlawful assembly\u201d.\u00a0All\u00a0were all re-sentenced to prison terms of between six and 13 months.\u00a0(some of these sentences have since been overturned by the Court of Final Appeal).<\/p>\n

In the case of the \u201cinvalid oaths\u201d used to throw out six\u00a0legislators, this came from a completely made-up law imposed by China\u2019s National People\u2019s Congress (NPC). The NPC, an arm of China\u2019s dictatorship, can make binding \u2018interpretations\u2019 of the Basic Law\u00a0\u2013\u00a0so the unelected NPC is the ultimate power over the courts in Hong Kong.<\/p>\n

Does the Basic Law protect democratic rights?<\/strong><\/p>\n

The Basic Law enshrines basic civil liberties and some democratic rights. But its commitment to universal suffrage is weak and contradictory\u00a0\u2013\u00a0saying this is an \u201cultimate aim\u201d. It states that the Chief Executive (and therefore the government) \u201cwill be appointed by the Central People\u2019s Government on the basis of the results of elections or consultations\u201d (Article 3, section 4). The Basic Law is so full of caveats it\u2019s a gift to a despotic regime like China.<\/p>\n

The Basic Law was never endorsed in a democratic vote. Its democratic\u00a0elements\u00a0were included under mass political pressure.\u00a0It\u00a0was imposed on Hong Kong in the 1980s\u00a0after a deal was struck between the British colonial regime and the Chinese dictatorship,\u00a0through an elite Basic Law committee that was dominated by the two governments and Hong Kong\u2019s wealthiest capitalists.\u00a0The Basic Law outlaws any other economic system than capitalism, until 2047, and\u00a0also bans\u00a0budget deficits\u00a0\u2013\u00a0a key tenet of neo-liberal economics.<\/p>\n

Was it better under British rule?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Many people today say it was better, but they generally mean there was less poverty and inequality.\u00a0And from the 1970s to the 1990s, the housing crisis wasn\u2019t as extreme as it is now.\u00a0One thing it wasn\u2019t, however, was democratic. The British were colonialists not liberators. They ruled Hong Kong for\u00a0156\u00a0years and never once held an election\u00a0for government.<\/p>\n

Nowadays the British establishment is largely silent over Hong Kong, because it is more concerned about billions of dollars worth of business deals with the Chinese regime.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/p>\n

Is the Legco democratic?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Only half the seats in Legco are elected. It was designed\u00a0\u2013 by the British \u2013\u00a0to provide a \u2018democratic\u2019 cover for an unelected government. In Legco elections the pro-democracy opposition regularly win a big majority, roughly 60 percent of the votes,\u00a0but\u00a0because of its undemocratic make-up the pro-government\u00a0camp\u00a0win\u00a060 percent of the seats.<\/p>\n

Today,\u00a0as part of the government\u2019s authoritarian crackdown,\u00a0the powers of the Legco have been further weakened. After expelling opposition legislators last year the pro-government side had a\u00a0large\u00a0enough majority to re-write the Legco rules \u2013 a self-inflicted \u201ccastration\u201d.<\/p>\n

If the Legco is powerless why does the government need to rig elections and ban candidates?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Despite its limited powers, the Legco has become an important platform for the struggle for democratic rights.\u00a0The\u00a0opposition legislators can lift the veil on\u00a0government\u00a0corruption, pro-billionaire policies and the\u00a0new\u00a0threat to democratic rights.<\/p>\n

The moderate pro-democracy parties, which shy away from mass struggle and favour conciliation with the regime, have lost ground to more radical groups\u00a0\u2013 these\u00a0got a quarter of the total vote in 2016. This reflects mass radicalisation and frustration that the democracy struggle has arrived at a dead-end. So now the government is further rigging an already undemocratic system, to keep more radical\u00a0forces\u00a0out of the Legco. Ultimately, this will just shift the focus away from the Legco,\u00a0towards the streets.<\/p>\n

How does the government control the\u00a0Legco\u00a0if the opposition wins 60 percent of the popular vote?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Because the Legco is not democratic \u2013\u00a0half\u00a0its seats are filled from so-called functional constituencies,\u00a0controlled by big business and special interest groups. Only around 240,000 people are eligible to vote in functional constituencies out of a total electorate numbering 3.7 million, so each functional vote is worth 12.5 ordinary votes.<\/p>\n

What are the main demands of the democracy movement?<\/strong><\/p>\n

The main demand is to end the current undemocratic system\u00a0by introducing\u00a0genuine universal suffrage.<\/p>\n

But the Chinese dictatorship fears\u00a0that\u00a0such a seemingly modest reform\u00a0in Hong Kong\u00a0would set off a chain reaction.\u00a0So\u00a0rather\u00a0than reform,\u00a0the dictatorship is moving in the opposite direction.\u00a0That\u00a0is why\u00a0it\u00a0reneged on a vaguely worded promise, made in 2005\u00a0(in the face of massive political protests),\u00a0to allow a phased transition to \u201cuniversal suffrage\u201d.<\/p>\n

What was\u00a0eventually\u00a0offered was nothing like real universal suffrage but a\u00a0manipulated\u00a0Iranian-style\u00a0election system. This was the infamous \u2018831 ruling\u2019 (31 August 2014), which\u00a0sparked\u00a0the 2014 Umbrella Revolution.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/p>\n

What was the Umbrella Revolution and what did it achieve?<\/strong><\/p>\n

This mass movement, with umbrellas used to protect demonstrators against police\u00a0pepper spray, began on 28 September 2014,\u00a0after the government used heavy force to disperse youth protests. The Umbrella Revolution did not have a developed list of demands or clear leaders. It was a largely spontaneous mass rejection of Beijing\u2019s fake universal suffrage. Up to 2.3 million people joined the protests.\u00a0Thousands\u00a0occupied the streets\u00a0for\u00a0a total of 79 days\u00a0\u2013\u00a0longer than the Tiananmen Square protests in 1989.<\/p>\n

The government rode out the storm,\u00a0harassing\u00a0the protests with police\u00a0and triad gang\u00a0raids, court injunctions,\u00a0and a media barrage saying the movement was \u201closing support\u201d. Its secret weapon was exhaustion. Occupy-type movements \u2013 as seen in many countries \u2013 can be a good starting point for a mass movement for political change, but occupation alone has never won. There is a need to escalate to strikes and to build mass democratic committees to direct the struggle.\u00a0Against a powerful dictatorship\u00a0the democracy struggle\u00a0needs to\u00a0be based on\u00a0the working class, which is not just society\u2019s biggest class,\u00a0but also the force that makes the economy and society run. In South Korea and South Africa mass strikes by the workers tipped the balance in the struggle against dictatorships.<\/p>\n

How can the government\u2019s undemocratic policies be stopped?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Only\u00a0by\u00a0mass resistance. The first step is to realise that there will never be a \u201cfinal\u201d\u00a0attack\u00a0\u2013\u00a0disqualification, jailing,\u00a0undemocratic laws\u00a0\u2013 these are\u00a0all pieces\u00a0of a long-term agenda by the Chinese dictatorship to extend its control over Hong Kong and shut down the democracy movement.\u00a0Their model for Hong Kong is Singapore or Macau \u2013\u00a0with a much-weakened democratic opposition. So, the fight back cannot\u00a0solely\u00a0focus on court cases or elections,\u00a0necessary as these are,\u00a0and much less on waiting\u00a0passively\u00a0for the storm to pass.<\/p>\n

Those democratic forces that are serious about resisting the authoritarian\u00a0crackdown\u00a0should\u00a0help initiate\u00a0a democratic conference\u00a0open to\u00a0all groups to discuss a one-day Hong Kong-wide strike as part of\u00a0a\u00a0strategy to relaunch mass resistance. This could begin with the students. A new democracy movement needs to be built with a working class core \u2013 a new party of grassroots workers and the poor.\u00a0Most parties today have become vehicles for one or two \u2018leading personalities\u2019 mostly active on social media. But what\u2019s needed is a democratic organisation with a mass membership of 10,000s, rooted in campaigning and struggle.\u00a0Such a force could\u00a0coordinate the fight back\u00a0and appeal\u00a0across the border to the Chinese masses to join the anti-authoritarian struggle.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/p>\n

Is the struggle in Hong Kong gaining international support and can that make a difference?<\/strong><\/p>\n

For decades the main pro-democracy parties paid little attention to international solidarity because they believed democracy was \u201conly a matter of time\u201d. This was never true:\u00a0democracy has only ever triumphed as a result of mass revolutionary struggle. They also wrongly believed there was\u00a0significant support\u00a0for democratic change from foreign governments. But as Beijing steps up its attacks on democratic rights,\u00a0this has not met with any serious protests from capitalist companies and governments. They have built strong ties with the Chinese dictatorship\u00a0based on a common interest in putting money before \u2018politics\u2019.<\/p>\n

There is enormous potential sympathy around the world for the struggle for democratic rights in Hong Kong and China, but\u00a0not among ministers\u00a0and CEOs. It is among\u00a0the workers, youth, women and other oppressed layers. This is where the international solidarity movement against authoritarian rule needs to be built.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Hong Kong\u2019s democracy movement, which has mobilised millions in the past 20 years, is under attack<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":44,"featured_media":17283,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"tdm_status":"","tdm_grid_status":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-17277","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail"],"yoast_head":"\nQ & A on the Hong Kong government\u2019s crackdown - China Worker<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/en\/2018\/03\/20\/17277\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Q & A on the Hong Kong government\u2019s crackdown - 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