{"id":19599,"date":"2019-01-17T11:59:01","date_gmt":"2019-01-17T03:59:01","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/?p=19599"},"modified":"2019-02-26T09:46:51","modified_gmt":"2019-02-26T01:46:51","slug":"70-years-since-chinas-revolution","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/en\/2019\/01\/17\/19599\/","title":{"rendered":"70 years since the Chinese revolution"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Capitalism and imperialism were driven out, but political power rested in the hands of a Stalinist communist party<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n

This article by Vincent Kolo was first published on chinaworker.info in October 2009, on the 60th anniversary of the Chinese Revolution. We are republishing a slightly abridged version as part of a series of articles commemorating key anniversaries that fall during 2019 \u2013 100 years since the May Fourth Movement, 30 years since the Tiananmen mass democracy movement, and 70 years since the revolution of 1949. <\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is an especially\nnervous Communist Party (CCP) regime that presides over the 60th anniversary\ncelebrations of the founding of the People\u2019s Republic of China on 1 October.\nThe regime is increasingly dependent on Olympic-style pageantry to shore up its\nsupport, and despite decades of record-breaking economic growth now faces\nmounting discontent from workers, farmers and youth. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mao Zedong, who led\nthe CCP to power 60 years ago, is hailed as founder of the nation, but today\u2019s\nofficial view is that his policies were \u201cultra left\u201d and needed to be corrected\nby the pro-market turn of his successor Deng Xiaoping in 1978. To learn China\u2019s\ntrue revolutionary history we must look elsewhere.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The CCP did not\ncome to power at the head of a working class movement. With its Stalinist\noutlook and methods it initially stood for a relatively limited agenda to\nestablish a \u201cNew Democracy\u201d, while keeping a capitalist economy. But almost\ndespite itself, the CCP was thrown forward by one of the mightiest\nrevolutionary waves in world history. It was this mass revolutionary fervour,\nwithin the international framework that emerged following the Second World War\nthat pushed Mao\u2019s regime to introduce changes that fundamentally transformed\nChina.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Revolutionary\nchanges<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

China had long been\nknown as the \u201csick man of Asia\u201d \u2013 it was poor even by the standards of Asia at\nthat time. With its huge population (475 million in 1949) China had been the\nworld\u2019s biggest \u201cfailed state\u201d for a century. From 1911 to 1949 it was torn\nbetween rival warlords, with a corrupt central government, and bullied by\nforeign powers. Ending the humiliating foreign customs houses and the\nstationing of imperialist armies on Chinese soil was just one of the many\npractical gains of the revolution. Mao\u2019s regime also introduced one of the most\nfar-reaching land reforms in world history \u2013 not as big as Russia\u2019s but\nencompassing a rural population four times as large.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This agrarian\nrevolution, as the historian Maurice Meisner points out, \u201cdestroyed China\u2019s\ngentry-landlords as a social class, thus finally eliminating the longest-lived\nruling class in world history and one that long had stood as a major impediment\nto China\u2019s resurrection and modernisation\u201d. In 1950, Mao\u2019s government enacted a\nMarriage Law that prohibited arranged marriages, concubinage and bigamy, and\nmade divorce easier for both sexes. This was one of the most dramatic\ngovernmental shake-ups in the field of marital and family relationships ever\nattempted.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the CCP took power\nfour-fifths of the population were illiterate. This was reduced to around 35\npercent by 1976, when Mao died. Reflecting its crushing backwardness, there\nwere only 83 public libraries in the whole of China before 1949 and just 80,000\nhospital beds. By 1975 there were 1,250 libraries and 1.6 million hospital\nbeds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Average life\nexpectancy, just 35 years in 1949, was raised to 65 years in the same\ntime-span. Innovations in public healthcare and education, reform\n(simplification) of the written alphabet, and later the network of \u2018barefoot\ndoctors\u2019 that covered most villages, transformed conditions for the rural poor.\nThese achievements, at a time when China was much poorer than today, are an\nindictment of the present day crisis in healthcare and education, the result of\nmarketisation and privatisation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The abolition of\nfeudalism and imperialist control was a crucial precondition for launching\nChina on the path of modern industrial development. At first, Mao\u2019s regime\nhoped for an alliance with sections of the capitalists, and left significant\nsections of the economy in private hands. By the mid-1950s though, it had been\nforced to go all the way, expropriating even the \u2018patriotic capitalists\u2019 and\nincorporating their businesses into a state plan modelled on the bureaucratic\nsystem of planning in the Soviet Union. Compared to a regime of genuine\nworkers\u2019 democracy, the Maoist-Stalinist plan was a rather blunt instrument,\nbut it was an instrument all the same, incomparably more vital than enfeebled\nand corrupt Chinese capitalism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Given the low base\nof China\u2019s economy at the start of this process, the industrialisation achieved\nduring its planned economy phase was truly astonishing. From 1952 to 1978,\nindustry\u2019s share of GDP rose from 10 percent to 35 percent (OECD Observer\n1999). This is one of the most rapid rates of industrialisation ever achieved,\ngreater than Britain in 1801-41 or Japan in 1882-1927. In this period China\ncreated aircraft, nuclear, marine, automotive and heavy machinery industries.\nGDP measured in purchasing power parities increased 200 percent, while per\ncapita income rose by 80 percent. As Meisner argues irrefutably: \u201cIt was during\nthe Mao period that the essential foundations of China\u2019s industrial revolution\nwere laid. Without it, the post-Mao reformers would have had little to reform\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The two great\nrevolutions of the last century, the Russian (1917) and Chinese (1949), did\nmore to shape the world we live in than any other events in human history. Both\nwere the result of the complete inability of capitalism and imperialism to\nsolve the fundamental problems of humankind. Both were also mass movements on\nan epic scale, not military coups as many capitalist politicians and historians\nclaim. Having said this, there were fundamental, decisive differences between\nthese revolutions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Stalinism <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The social system\nestablished by Mao was one of Stalinism rather than socialism. The isolation of\nthe Russian Revolution following the defeat of revolutionary movements in\nEurope and elsewhere in the 1920s and 30s, led to the rise of a conservative\nbureaucracy under Stalin, which rested upon the state-owned economy from which\nit drew its power and privileges. All elements of workers\u2019 democracy \u2013\nmanagement and control by elected representatives and the abolition of\nprivileges \u2013 were crushed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yet, as Leon\nTrotsky explained, a planned economy needs workers\u2019 democratic control like a\nhuman body needs oxygen. Without this, under a regime of bureaucratic\ndictatorship, the potential of a planned economy can be thrown away and\nultimately, as was proved two decades ago, the entire edifice is threatened\nwith destruction.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yet it was this\nStalinist model that the CCP adopted when it took power in 1949. While this was\na far cry from genuine socialism, the existence of an alternative economic\nsystem to capitalism, and the visible gains this entailed for the mass of the\npopulation, exercised a powerful radicalising effect on world politics. China\nand Russia, by virtue of their state-owned economies, played a role in forcing\ncapitalism and imperialism to make concessions, particularly in Europe and\nAsia. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Chinese\nrevolution increased the pressure on the European imperialists to exit their\ncolonies in the southern hemisphere. It also caused US imperialism to sponsor\nrapid industrialisation in Japan, Taiwan, Hong Kong and South Korea and use\nthese states as buffers against the spread of revolution, which it feared\nfollowing China\u2019s example. As Marx explained, reform is often a by-product of\nrevolution. This was the case with the land reform and the destruction of\nfeudalism carried out by Asian military regimes within the US sphere of control\nduring the 1950s. This was the origin of the rapid growth of Asian capitalism\nfrom the 1950s onwards.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

While both the\nRussian and Chinese revolutions were led by mass communist parties, there were\nfundamental differences between them in terms of programme, methods, and above\nall their class base \u2013 the difference between genuine Marxism and its perverse\nStalinist caricature. The 1917 Russian Revolution was proletarian in character\n\u2013 a factor of decisive importance. This invested it with the political\nindependence and historical audacity to launch upon a never-before tried road.\nThe leaders of that revolution, above all Lenin and Trotsky, were\ninternationalists and saw the revolution as the overture to a world socialist\nrevolution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

By contrast, most\nCCP leaders were in reality nationalists with just a thin laminate of\ninternationalism around this. This corresponded to the peasant base of the\nChinese revolution. Lenin commented that the peasantry is the least\ninternational of all classes. Its scattered and isolated conditions of life\nimbue it with a parochial outlook, not even aspiring to a national perspective\nin many cases. Lenin\u2019s speech proclaiming the formation of the Soviet\ngovernment on 25 October 1917 ended with the words: \u201cLong live the worldwide\nsocialist revolution!\u201d. Mao\u2019s speech on 1 October 1949 did not mention the\nworking class, but laid stress on the Chinese having stood up, even referring\nto \u201cthe overseas Chinese and other patriotic elements\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Chinese\nRevolution was peasant or petit bourgeois in character. Rather than a mass\nworkers\u2019 movement and elected workers\u2019 councils \u2013 the motor forces of the\nRussian revolution \u2013 and the existence of a democratic Marxist workers\u2019 party,\nthe Bolsheviks, in China it was the peasant-based People\u2019s Liberation Army\n(PLA) that took power. The working class played no role, and even received\norders not to strike or demonstrate but to await the arrival of the PLA into\nthe cities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

While the peasantry\nis capable of great revolutionary heroism, as the history of the Red Army\/PLA\u2019s\nstruggle against Japan and the dictatorial Chiang Kai-shek regime showed, it is\nincapable of playing an independent role. Just as the villages take their cue\nfrom the cities, politically the peasantry supports one or other of the urban\nclasses \u2013 the working class or the capitalists. In China, rather than the\ncities moving the countryside, the CCP came to power by building a mass\nfollowing among the peasantry and then occupying the largely passive, war-weary\ncities. The class base of the revolution meant that it could emulate an\nexisting societal model but not create a new one.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The CCP\u2019s peasant\norientation developed out of the terrible defeat of the 1925-27 revolution,\ncaused by the stages theory of the Communist International under Stalin\u2019s\nleadership. This held that because China was only at the stage of bourgeois\nrevolution, the communists must be prepared to support and serve Chiang\u2019s\nbourgeois Nationalist Party (Kuomintang). The CCP\u2019s young and impressive\nworking class base was brutally smashed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But while a\nsignificant Trotskyist minority formed shortly after this defeat, drawing\ncorrect conclusions that the working class and not the capitalists must lead\nthe Chinese revolution, the majority of CCP leaders held to the Stalinist stages\nconcept, although ironically they broke with it in practise after taking power\nin 1949.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the late 1920s\ntherefore, the main group of CCP cadres, drawn mostly from the intelligentsia,\nwent with these mistaken pseudo Marxist ideas to wage guerrilla struggle in the\ncountryside. Chen Duxiu, the CCP\u2019s founder and later a co-thinker and supporter\nof Trotsky, warned that the CCP risked degenerating into \u201cpeasant\nconsciousness\u201d \u2013 a prophetic judgement. By 1930, only 1.6 percent of the party\nmembership were workers compared to 58 percent in 1927. This class composition\nremained almost unchanged up until the party won power in 1949, flowing\nautomatically from the leadership\u2019s focus on the peasantry and rejection of the\nurban centres as the main arena of struggle.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In tandem with this\nwas the increasing bureaucratisation of the party, the replacement of internal\ndebate and democracy by a regime of commands and purges, and the cult of\npersonality around Mao \u2013 all copied from Stalin\u2019s methods of rule. A peasant milieu\nand a mainly military struggle are far more conducive to the growth of\nbureaucracy than a party immersed in mass workers\u2019 struggles. Therefore,\nwhereas the Russian Revolution degenerated under unfavourable historical\nconditions, the Chinese Revolution was bureaucratically disfigured from the\noutset. This explains the contradictory nature of Maoism, of important social\ngains alongside brutal repression and dictatorial rule.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the Japanese\nwar of occupation ended in 1945, US imperialism was unable to directly impose\nits own solution on China. The mood to \u201cbring the troops home\u201d was too\npowerful. Therefore the US was left with no other option than to support Chiang\nKai-shek\u2019s corrupt and breathtakingly incompetent regime with massive amounts\nof aid and weaponry (totalling six billion dollars).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

That Washington had\nlittle confidence in the Kuomintang government was shown by President Truman\nremarking some years later: \u201cThey\u2019re thieves, every damn one of them. They\nstole $750 million out of the billions we sent to Chiang. They stole it, and\nit\u2019s invested in real estate down in Sao Paulo and some right here in New\nYork\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For the masses, the\nNationalist regime was an unmitigated disaster. In the last years of Kuomintang\nrule there were reports from several cities of \u201cstarving people lying untended\nand dying in the streets\u201d. Factories and workshops closed down due to lack of\nsupplies or because workers were too weakened by hunger to operate them.\nSummary executions by government agents and rampant crime by triad gangs was\nthe norm in big cities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Alongside the land\nreform introduced in areas it liberated, the CCP\u2019s biggest asset was the hatred\nof the Kuomintang. This also led to mass desertions of Chiang\u2019s troops to the\nside of the Red Army\/PLA. From the autumn of 1948, Mao\u2019s armies won landslide\nvictories in several main battles. In city after city across the country, Kuomintang\nforces either surrendered, deserted, or staged rebellions to join up with the\nPLA. In effect, Chiang\u2019s regime rotted from within, presenting the CCP with\nexceptionally favourable circumstances. Subsequent Maoist-guerrilla movements\n(Malaya, Philippines, Peru, Nepal) that have tried to reproduce Mao\u2019s success\nhave not been as fortunate.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With a genuine\nMarxist policy, the overthrow of the Kuomintang could almost certainly have\nbeen achieved more quickly and less painfully. From September 1945, following\nJapan\u2019s military collapse, until late 1946, workers in all major cities staged\na magnificent strike wave, with 200,000 on strike in Shanghai. Students too\npoured onto the streets in a nationwide mass movement that reflected the\nradicalisation of society\u2019s middle layers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The students\ndemanded democracy and opposed the Kuomintang\u2019s military mobilisation for the\ncivil war against the CCP. The workers demanded trade union rights and an end\nto wage freezes. Rather than give a lead to this movement the CCP applied the\nbrakes, urging the masses not to go to \u201cextremes\u201d in their struggle. At this\nstage, Mao was still wedded to the perspective of a \u201cunited front\u201d with the \u201cnational\u201d\nbourgeoisie who should not become agitated by working class militancy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The students were\nmerely used as a bargaining chip by the CCP to exert pressure on Chiang to\nenter into peace talks. The CCP did its utmost to keep the students\u2019 and\nworkers\u2019 struggles separate. The inevitable laws of class struggle are such\nthat this limitation of the movement produced defeat and demoralisation. Many\nstudent and worker activists were swept up in a wave of Kuomintang repression\nthat followed. Some were executed. A historic opportunity was missed,\nprolonging the life of Chiang\u2019s dictatorship and leaving the urban masses\nlargely passive for the remainder of the civil war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In keeping with the\nStalinist stages theory, in 1940 Mao wrote: \u201cThe Chinese revolution in its\npresent stage is not yet a socialist revolution for the overthrow of capitalism\nbut a bourgeois-democratic revolution, its central task being mainly that of\ncombating foreign imperialism and domestic feudalism\u201d (Mao Zedong, On New\nDemocracy, January 1940). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

In order to achieve\na bloc with the \u201cprogressive\u201d or \u201cpatriotic\u201d capitalists, Mao limited the land\nreform (as late as autumn 1950 this had been carried out in only one-third of\nChina). Also, while the businesses of \u201cbureaucratic capitalists\u201d \u2013 Kuomintang cronies\nand officials \u2013 were nationalised immediately, private capitalists retained\ntheir control and in 1953 accounted for 37 percent of GDP.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A crucial test came\nwith the Korean War that broke out in June 1950. This brought a massive\nescalation of US pressure, economic sanctions, and even the threat of a nuclear\nattack on China. The war and sharply polarised world situation that accompanied\nit (the \u201ccold war\u201d between the Soviet Union and US) meant Mao\u2019s regime, in\norder to stay in power, had no choice but to complete the social\ntransformation, speeding up land reform and extending its control over the\nwhole economy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Chinese\nrevolution was therefore a paradoxical, unfinished revolution that brought\nmonumental social progress but also created a monstrous bureaucratic\ndictatorship whose power and privileges increasingly undermined the potential\nof the planned economy. By the time of Mao\u2019s death, the regime was deeply split\nand in crisis, fearing mass upheavals that could sweep it from power.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Many youth in China\ntoday have become hardened anti-communists, supporting global capitalism,\nbelieving this is somehow an alternative to the current regime. Others have\nturned to Mao\u2019s legacy, which they feel has been completely betrayed by his\nsuccessors. Within this rising social and political turbulence, genuine\nMarxists are trying, through the website chinaworker.info and other\npublications, to win support for worldwide democratic socialism as the only way\nforward.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Capitalism and imperialism were driven out, but political power rested in the hands of a Stalinist communist party<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":44,"featured_media":19533,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"tdm_status":"","tdm_grid_status":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[132,404,407,154],"tags":[13323,4766,207,174,216,13324,3180,2170,221,2808,2313],"class_list":{"0":"post-19599","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-china","8":"category-features","9":"category-history","10":"category-theory","11":"tag-13323","12":"tag-capitalism","13":"tag-ccp","14":"tag-china-2","15":"tag-imperialism","16":"tag-kmt","17":"tag-mao-zedong","18":"tag-marxism","19":"tag-revolution","20":"tag-socialism","21":"tag-stalinism"},"yoast_head":"\n70 years since the Chinese revolution - 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