{"id":20779,"date":"2019-07-07T17:10:36","date_gmt":"2019-07-07T09:10:36","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/?p=20779"},"modified":"2022-12-13T03:07:49","modified_gmt":"2022-12-12T19:07:49","slug":"socialists-and-the-democratic-struggle","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/en\/2019\/07\/07\/20779\/","title":{"rendered":"Socialists and the democratic struggle"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p><strong>Socialists\nfight for all, even limited democratic advances, but explain the need to\noverthrow capitalism<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<!--more-->\n\n\n\n<p>Vincent Kolo, chinaworker.info<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The following is a reprint from September 2010 of our reply to criticisms on social media from a sectarian \u2018Marxist\u2019, Ozaki Takami, of the CWI\u2019s programme and orientation in the struggle for democratic rights in Hong Kong (the CWI changed its name to International Socialist Alternative, ISA, at its World Congress in 2020). This slightly abridged version of the article is taken from the book <em>Socialism &amp; The Democracy Struggle in China and Hong Kong<\/em> (chinaworker.info, 2018, 128 pages). We are reprinting the article because it raises important questions about how Marxists approach and intervene in mass democratic struggle which are once again on the order of the day in Hong Kong and on a more modest scale in China.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The first and most obvious difference between the\nCWI\/Marxists and Ozaki\/sectarians is that we take an active part in this and\nall other struggles for democratic rights. We fight for all, even limited\ndemocratic advances, but explain the need to overthrow capitalism. He dismisses\nthe League of Social Democrats (LSD), which has mobilised significant numbers\nin struggle around the issue of universal suffrage and against the\ncorporate-controlled functional constituencies, as \u201canti-communist populist\ndemagogues\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>We on the other hand have recognised the emergence of the LSD and its role in struggle as a positive development in a situation where no mass workers\u2019 party yet exists. We have engaged alongside LSD activists in struggle, while campaigning as a distinct Marxist force. The LSD today does not have a socialist or even anti-capitalist programme, but events could push this party in a leftward direction, a process that Marxists seek to hasten through our own socialist agitation, criticisms and concrete proposals.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Ozaki is completely mistaken when he states that\nthe CWI\/Socialist Action is \u201cblatantly not\u201d conducting its work \u201con the basis\nof a revolutionary programme that actively combats widespread illusions in\nliberal capitalist democracy and world imperialism\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>But unlike him, we do this from within the\nstruggle, at workplaces and on the streets, in a dialogue with hundreds and\neven thousands of youth and workers, not in the virtual world that he seems to\ninhabit. In all these struggles the CWI intervenes independently as a clearly\nsocialist force, with our own slogans, political material and so on. The\nfollowing example is from our leaflet at a mass demonstration in June:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u201cWe\nfight for democratic advances such as the abolition of the functional\nconstituencies and election of government, but point out this alone will not\ndeliver real democracy. For this, we need democratic control and public\nownership of the banks and big companies that really rule Hong Kong and the\nlives of its people.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u201cSocialist Action, as an organisation that fights for socialism and workers\u2019 rights, will actively support every step in the direction of a new fighting democracy movement. We say this movement must be based on the working class, with a working class political party as the main force for change. To win this movement must link mass struggles in China and Hong Kong. It must fight to abolish capitalism with its sweatshops, climate destruction and growing gap between rich and poor.\u201d [Democratic Party betrayal saves Donald Tsang\u2026 for now! Socialist Action leaflet, 22 June 2010]<\/p>\n\n\n\n<figure class=\"wp-block-image\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"600\" height=\"338\" src=\"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/07\/1-600x338.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-20780\" srcset=\"https:\/\/media1.chinaworker.info\/2019\/07\/1-600x338.jpg 600w, https:\/\/media1.chinaworker.info\/2019\/07\/1-300x169.jpg 300w, https:\/\/media1.chinaworker.info\/2019\/07\/1-98x55.jpg 98w, https:\/\/media1.chinaworker.info\/2019\/07\/1-310x174.jpg 310w, https:\/\/media1.chinaworker.info\/2019\/07\/1.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 600px) 100vw, 600px\" \/><\/figure>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>People\u2019s\nAssembly?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Similar formulations, linking today\u2019s struggle for\nuniversal suffrage with the need for the working class to overthrow capitalism,\ncan be found in all of the material of Socialist Action, our magazine, and the\nchinaworker.info website. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In a similarly dishonest fashion, Ozaki attacks our\ndemand for replacing the Legislative Council (Legco) with a genuine People\u2019s\nAssembly, one with powers to introduce an eight-hour workday, a decent minimum\nwage, reverse privatisations, etc. Yet this is precisely an example of the\ntransitional method of posing demands especially during an ongoing mass\nstruggle, to link today\u2019s immediate issues with the need for socialism. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This is the method Leon Trotsky applied but that\nsome self-proclaimed Trotskyists never understood. Ozaki is evidently in that\ncategory. He fumes that our demand for a People\u2019s Assembly is \u201creformist\u201d and\nsows \u201cillusions in bourgeois parliamentarism\u201d. By the same token he must\nbelieve that Trotsky himself was hopelessly \u201creformist\u201d when in China in the\n1920s-30s he advised the communists to campaign for a Constituent Assembly,\nadding that this should be their \u201ccentral political slogan\u201d:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u201cThe\ngovernment that will emerge from the victorious revolution of the workers and\npeasants can only be a government of the dictatorship of the proletariat,\nleading the majority of the exploited and oppressed people. But the difference\nmust be clearly understood between the general revolutionary perspective which\nwe must tirelessly develop in articles and in theoretical and propaganda\nspeeches and the current political slogan under which we can, beginning today,\nmobilize the masses by actually organizing them in opposition to the regime of\nthe military dictatorship. Such a central political slogan is the slogan of the\nConstituent Assembly.\u201d [Trotsky, A Reply To The Chinese Oppositionists, 22\nDecember 1929] <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>What is the demand for replacing the Legco with a\ngenuine People\u2019s Assembly other than an updated version of the demand put\nforward by Trotsky, in a language that is more accessible to the youth and\nworkers today? Furthermore, Trotsky lambasted those who refused to support this\ndemand and who argued like Ozaki that this was feeding illusions in bourgeois\nparliamentarism:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u201cThe\nstage of democracy has a great importance in the evolution of the masses. Under\ndefinite conditions, the revolution can allow the proletariat to pass beyond\nthis stage. But it is precisely to facilitate this future development, which is\nnot at all easy and not at all guaranteed to be successful in advance, that it\nis necessary to utilize to the fullest the inter-revolutionary period to\nexhaust the democratic resources of the bourgeoisie. This can be done by\ndeveloping democratic slogans before the broad masses and by compelling the\nbourgeoisie to place itself in contradiction to them at each step.\u201d [Trotsky,\nChina and the Constituent Assembly, December 1928]<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>No matter how much he attempts to confuse the issue,\nOzaki confirms in passing our suspicion: that he opposes the current struggle\nin Hong Kong for universal suffrage. He says that the task of socialists\nconsists of \u201cripping apart the grossly misleading assertions on the alleged\nbenefits of a Legislative Council and Chief Executive elected under universal\nfranchise pushed by middle-class liberals&#8230;\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>What Ozaki is saying is that it is \u201cmisleading\u201d and\nwithout real, only alleged, \u201cbenefits\u201d to end the current undemocratic\nselection system for Hong Kong Chief Executive and introduce\none-person-one-vote elections for this position.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>\u201c<\/strong><strong>Bourgeois demands\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>When tens of thousands of demonstrators raise this\ndemand, Marxists should, according to his logic, \u201crip apart\u201d this idea as no\nmore than an illusion. Instead of linking propaganda for a socialist\ntransformation of society to the progressive striving of the masses for\nincreased democratic rights and accountability of politicians, his crude\napproach, devoid of any feel for mass consciousness or the dynamics of a movement,\nis to counterpose socialism to these demands.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This approach has nothing whatsoever in common with\nTrotskyism. It is more akin to the ultimatist approach of the Bordigist sect*.\nRead Trotsky\u2019s polemic against the Bordigists** who, while advocating defence\nof the right to strike and other rights against the attacks of Mussolini\u2019s\nfascists or other reactionaries, refused to call for universal suffrage, seeing\nthis as a \u201cbourgeois demand\u201d. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>We can agree with Ozaki when he says socialists\nmust fight \u201cagainst the Beijing regime\u2019s attempts to curb political freedom in\nHong Kong\u201d and \u201coppose reactionary measures like Article 23 [anti-subversion\nlaw] and the functional constituencies\u201d. But why limit our role to purely\ndefensive tasks of opposing such attacks? Why is this correct and yet according\nto Ozaki it is \u201cgrossly misleading\u201d and sows illusions in bourgeois\nparliamentarism to press for an extension of today\u2019s limited democratic rights.\n<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>His criticism would be valid if CWI comrades\nlimited ourselves to calling for universal suffrage, but this is not the case\nas explained above. Using the transitional method of Trotsky, the CWI links\ndemands for the widest extension of democratic rights to the need for the\nworking class to take power and abolish capitalism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>By the same logic, it could be argued that opposing\nArticle 23 also \u201csows illusions\u201d, if by this one implied that the right to\norganise, to demonstrate and publish critical articles are somehow guaranteed\nso long as new security legislation is not introduced. That is not the case and\nis in fact the worst constitutional and \u201cparliamentary cretinism\u201d, when such\nthings in the last analysis are not determined by legal amendments but by the\nclass balance of forces and the readiness of the working class to struggle. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Likewise Ozaki, like many sectarians before him,\nlands in the swamp of reformism when he says socialists should oppose the\n\u201creactionary\u201d functional constituencies, but leaves the matter there. The\nimplication of Ozaki\u2019s argument, which is completely wrong, is that the Legco,\nshorn of the undemocratic functional constituencies, would be acceptable to the\nworking class. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The CWI campaigns for the abolition of functional\nconstituencies, but we do not put this forward in isolation. Abolition would\nmark a step forward compared to the completely rigged Legco of today, but this\nmeasure alone is not enough, and the capitalists would secure their control\nover government through other less blatant and superficially more \u2018democratic\u2019\nmethods.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>As Lenin explained Marxists are \u201cconsistent\ndemocrats\u201d. For Marxists there is absolutely no contradiction in fighting to\ndefend existing rights while also advocating a big extension of democratic\nrights. This means raising demands for an elected People\u2019s Assembly, the election\nof the government, the right to vote at 16 years including migrants, and other\ndemocratic reforms, while at the same time showing that the capitalist class,\nbacked up by the Chinese regime (which Ozaki incorrectly describes as a\n\u201cdeformed workers\u2019 state\u201d), is vehemently opposed to such an extension of\ndemocratic rights. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Marxists show that such democratic rights, which\ncan only be won through mass struggle, will at best take on a mutilated and\nprecarious existence unless capitalism is overthrown and replaced with a\nsocialist society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Stalinism<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Ozaki\u2019s muddled ideas are even more obvious in\nrelation to the Chinese state today, which he describes as a \u201cdeformed workers\u2019\nstate\u201d and \u201cmore progressive than imperialist neo-colonies like Indonesia and\nthe Philippines\u201d. This completely misses what has happened in China and\nworldwide in the last 30 years. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>A Stalinist or deformed workers\u2019 state must have a\nnationalised planned economy as its economic base. The deformation of Stalinism\nflowed from the isolation of revolutionary Russia and the resulting loss of\ncontrol over their state and economy by the working class. But this has for a\nlong time not been the case in China. It is not enough with the survival of a\n\u201ccollectivised core\u201d as Ozaki calls it, within an increasingly\ncapitalist-dominated economy. Such a state may be called many things, but it is\nno longer a Stalinist deformed workers\u2019 state.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The state-owned sector in China has been\ndramatically downsized during decades of pro-capitalist \u2018reforms\u2019 and accounts for\nless than 30 percent of GDP today. 80 percent of companies today are private or\nforeign-owned [China Daily, July 2010]. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>All the social benefits in the form of healthcare,\nfree schooling and cheap housing that existed on the basis of a planned economy\nhave been abolished. The remnants of a plan, in the form of guidelines and\ntargets for the state sector and even privately-run sectors \u2013 including a plan\nfor stock market flotations and overseas acquisitions \u2013 is not at all the same\nthing as a planned economy, even a bureaucratic one as existed in the past. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Imperialism<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>As for defending the Chinese state against\nimperialism \u2013 What does Ozaki suppose China is doing in Africa, Latin America\nand Asia? And, for that matter, in the \u201cimperialist neo-colony\u201d of the\nPhilippines? Chinese capital is now the biggest foreign investor in the\nPhilippines. The biggest ever privatisation in that country was the sale of the\nnational power grid to a Chinese company. This, and the race to lock-up African\nminerals and energy, are examples of Chinese imperialism, no different\nfundamentally from the actions of the US or European capitalist powers. Just\nask the African masses how \u201cprogressive\u201d Chinese companies are!<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Ozaki\u2019s mistakes on the character of the Chinese\nstate also explain why he lands on the wrong side of the fence in relation to\nHong Kong\u2019s democracy struggle. He sees the movement for universal suffrage as\na bourgeois movement, replete with&#8230; \u201cillusions in liberal capitalist\ndemocracy and world imperialism\u201d (these are undeniable, but how to break these\nillusions?). <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Socialists, he would argue, should stand aside from\nthis movement. Those who intervene in this movement with a socialist program he\naccuses of pushing the \u201cbankrupt idea that capitalist \u2018democracy\u2019 is the way\nforward for Chinese workers\u201d! <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>On the other hand, he sees the current Chinese\nstate as \u201cof course historically more progressive\u201d than imperialism and\ncapitalism, when in fact its opposition to and attempts to suppress the\ndemocratic movement in Hong Kong, fearing this will spread to mainland China,\nflow from identical interests with the capitalist class. This is not about any\ndefence of a \u201ccollective core\u201d economy, but to develop even greater openings\nfor the free flow of capital and super-exploitation of the unorganised Chinese\nproletariat.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Socialists fight for all, even limited democratic advances, but explain the need to overthrow capitalism<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":44,"featured_media":20781,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"tdm_status":"","tdm_grid_status":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[404,154],"tags":[4766,174,1007,4490,216,4409,2170,2808,1726,2313,2755,6583],"class_list":{"0":"post-20779","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-features","8":"category-theory","9":"tag-capitalism","10":"tag-china-2","11":"tag-democracy","12":"tag-hong-kong-en","13":"tag-imperialism","14":"tag-legco","15":"tag-marxism","16":"tag-socialism","17":"tag-socialist-action","18":"tag-stalinism","19":"tag-universal-suffrage","20":"tag-working-class"},"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.6 - 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