{"id":21333,"date":"2019-09-30T00:48:35","date_gmt":"2019-09-29T16:48:35","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/?p=21333"},"modified":"2019-10-01T18:13:07","modified_gmt":"2019-10-01T10:13:07","slug":"70-years-since-the-chinese-revolution","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/en\/2019\/09\/30\/21333\/","title":{"rendered":"70 years since the Chinese revolution"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Capitalism and imperialism were driven out, but\npolitical power rested in the hands of a Stalinist communist party<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n

Vincent Kolo chinaworker.info<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Xi Jinping, China\u2019s somewhat dented\n\u2018strongman\u2019, will preside over a grandiose military display to mark the 70th\nanniversary of the Chinese Revolution on 1 October 1949. Then, capitalism and\nimperialism were driven out of China by Mao Zedong\u2019s peasant army, but\npolitical power passed into the hands of his Stalinist \u2018Communist\u2019 party (CCP).\nToday the CCP dictatorship rests on fundamentally different class foundations\nto the regime and state created 70 years ago: it is now an imperialist power \u2013\nthe world\u2019s second most powerful \u2013 adopting an authoritarian and state-led\ncapitalist model.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

China today is ranked second in the\nworld for dollar billionaires. The number has almost doubled from 251 to 476\nsince Xi Jinping came to power in 2012. This is a much sharper increase than in\nthe US under Obama and Trump, from 425 to 585 in the same period. Despite the\nmuch-hyped economic \u201cmiracle\u201d and progress in fighting poverty, 577 million\nChinese living in rural areas had an average per capita disposable income of\n14,617 yuan (US$2,052) last year. That\u2019s US$5.60 per day, just a slither over\nthe World Bank\u2019s US$5.50 measure of poverty in \u2018upper middle income countries\u2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When commentators say Xi is modelling\nhis rule on Mao Zedong\u2019s regime they mean beefed up autocratic rule and\nrepression, rather than Xi\u2019s economic policies which are pro-rich and\nanti-working class. Instead of extolling the revolution of 1949, China\u2019s\nofficial anniversary celebrations will be heavy on nationalism and themes such\nas China\u2019s global role and military strength, the growing threat from \u2018foreign\nforces\u2019 (i.e. the US), and why China would be hopelessly lost without the CCP\ndictatorship controlling everything.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Revolutionary changes<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The CCP did not come to power at the\nhead of a working class movement. With its Stalinist outlook and methods, it\ninitially stood for a relatively limited agenda to establish a \u201cNew Democracy\u201d,\nwhile keeping a capitalist economy. But almost despite itself, the CCP was\nthrown forward by one of the mightiest revolutionary waves in world history. It\nwas this mass revolutionary fervour, within the international framework that\nemerged following the Second World War, which pushed Mao\u2019s regime to introduce\nchanges that fundamentally transformed China.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

China had long been known as the\n\u201csick man of Asia\u201d \u2013 it was poor even by the standards of Asia at that time.\nWith its huge population (475 million in 1949) China had been the world\u2019s\nbiggest \u201cfailed state\u201d for a century. From 1911 to 1949 it was torn between\nrival warlords, with a corrupt central government, and bullied by foreign\npowers. Ending the humiliating foreign customs houses and the stationing of\nimperialist armies on Chinese soil was just one of the many practical gains of\nthe revolution. Mao\u2019s regime also introduced one of the most far-reaching land\nreforms in world history \u2013 not as big as Russia\u2019s but encompassing a rural\npopulation four times as large.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This agrarian revolution, as the\nhistorian Maurice Meisner points out, \u201cdestroyed China\u2019s gentry-landlords as a\nsocial class, thus finally eliminating the longest-lived ruling class in world\nhistory and one that long had stood as a major impediment to China\u2019s\nresurrection and modernisation\u201d. In 1950, Mao\u2019s government enacted a Marriage\nLaw that prohibited arranged marriages, concubinage and bigamy, and made\ndivorce easier for both sexes. This was one of the most dramatic governmental\nshake-ups in the field of marital and family relationships ever attempted.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the CCP took power four-fifths\nof the population were illiterate. This was reduced to around 35 percent by\n1976, when Mao died. Reflecting its crushing backwardness, there were only 83\npublic libraries in the whole of China before 1949 and just 80,000 hospital\nbeds. By 1975 there were 1,250 libraries and 1.6 million hospital beds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Average life expectancy, just 35\nyears in 1949, was raised to 65 years in the same time-span. Innovations in\npublic healthcare and education, reform (simplification) of the written\nalphabet, and later the network of \u2018barefoot doctors\u2019 that covered most\nvillages, transformed conditions for the rural poor. These achievements, at a\ntime when China was much poorer than today, are an indictment of the present\nday crisis in healthcare and education, the result of commercialisation and\nprivatisation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The abolition of feudalism and\nimperialist control was a crucial precondition for launching China on the path\nof modern industrial development. At first, Mao\u2019s regime hoped for an alliance\nwith sections of the capitalists, and left significant sections of the economy\nin private hands. By the mid-1950s though, it had been forced to go all the\nway, expropriating even the \u2018patriotic capitalists\u2019 and incorporating their\nbusinesses into a state plan modelled on the bureaucratic system of planning in\nthe Soviet Union. Compared to a regime of genuine workers\u2019 democracy, the\nMaoist-Stalinist plan was a rather blunt instrument, but it was an instrument\nall the same, incomparably more vital than enfeebled and corrupt Chinese\ncapitalism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Given the low base of China\u2019s economy\nat the start of this process, the industrialisation achieved during its planned\neconomy phase was truly astonishing. From 1952 to 1978, industry\u2019s share of GDP\nrose from 10 percent to 35 percent (OECD Observer 1999). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is one of the most rapid rates\nof industrialisation ever achieved, greater than Britain in 1801-41 or Japan in\n1882-1927. In this period China created aircraft, nuclear, marine, automotive\nand heavy machinery industries. GDP measured in purchasing power parities\nincreased 200 percent, while per capita income rose by 80 percent. As Meisner\nargues irrefutably: \u201cIt was during the Mao period that the essential\nfoundations of China\u2019s industrial revolution were laid. Without it, the post-Mao\nreformers would have had little to reform\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The two great revolutions of the last\ncentury, the Russian (1917) and Chinese (1949), did more to shape the world we\nlive in than any other events in human history. Both were the result of the\ncomplete inability of capitalism and imperialism to solve the fundamental\nproblems of humankind. Both were also mass movements on an epic scale, not\nmilitary coups as many capitalist politicians and historians claim. Having said\nthis, there were fundamental, decisive differences between these revolutions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Stalinism<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The social system established by Mao\nwas one of Stalinism rather than socialism. The isolation of the Russian\nRevolution following the defeat of revolutionary movements in Europe and\nelsewhere in the 1920s and 30s, led to the rise of a conservative bureaucracy\nunder Stalin, which rested upon the state-owned economy from which it drew its\npower and privileges. All elements of workers\u2019 democracy \u2013 management and\ncontrol by elected representatives and the abolition of privileges \u2013 were\ncrushed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yet, as Leon Trotsky explained, a planned economy needs workers\u2019 democratic control like a human body needs oxygen. Without this, under a regime of bureaucratic dictatorship, the potential of a planned economy can be thrown away and ultimately, as was proved three decades ago, the entire edifice is threatened with destruction.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yet it was this Stalinist model that\nthe CCP adopted when it took power in 1949. While this was a far cry from\ngenuine socialism, the existence of an alternative economic system to\ncapitalism, and the visible gains this entailed for the mass of the population,\nexercised a powerful radicalising effect on world politics. China and Russia,\nby virtue of their state-owned economies, played a role in forcing capitalism\nand imperialism to make concessions, particularly in Europe and Asia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Chinese revolution increased the\npressure on the European imperialists to exit their colonies in the southern\nhemisphere. It also caused US imperialism to sponsor rapid industrialisation in\nJapan, Taiwan, Hong Kong and South Korea and use these states as buffers\nagainst the spread of revolution, which it feared following China\u2019s example. As\nMarx explained, reform is often a by-product of revolution. This was the case\nwith the land reform and the destruction of feudalism carried out by Asian\nmilitary regimes within the US sphere of control during the 1950s. This was the\norigin of the rapid growth of Asian capitalism from the 1950s onwards.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Different class basis and programme<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

While both the Russian and Chinese\nrevolutions were led by mass communist parties, there were fundamental\ndifferences between them in terms of programme, methods, and above all their\nclass base \u2013 the difference between genuine Marxism and its perverse Stalinist\ncaricature.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 1917 Russian Revolution was\nproletarian in character \u2013 a factor of decisive importance. This invested it\nwith the political independence and historical audacity to launch upon a\nnever-before tried road. The leaders of that revolution, above all Lenin and\nTrotsky, were internationalists and saw the revolution as the overture to a\nworld socialist revolution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

By contrast, most CCP leaders were in\nreality left nationalists with just a thin laminate of internationalism around\nthis. This corresponded to the peasant base of the Chinese revolution. Lenin\ncommented that the peasantry is the least international of all classes. Its\nscattered and isolated conditions of life imbue it with a parochial outlook,\nnot even aspiring to a national perspective in many cases. Lenin\u2019s speech\nproclaiming the formation of the Soviet government on 25 October 1917 ended\nwith the words: \u201cLong live the worldwide socialist revolution!\u201d. Mao\u2019s speech\non 1 October 1949 did not mention the working class, but laid stress on the\nChinese having stood up, even referring to \u201cthe overseas Chinese and other\npatriotic elements\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Chinese Revolution was peasant or\npetit bourgeois in character. Rather than a mass workers\u2019 movement and elected\nworkers\u2019 councils \u2013 the motor forces of the Russian revolution \u2013 and the\nexistence of a democratic Marxist workers\u2019 party, the Bolsheviks, in China it\nwas the peasant-based People\u2019s Liberation Army (PLA) that took power. The\nworking class played no independent role, and even received orders not to strike\nor demonstrate but to await the arrival of the PLA into the cities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

While the peasantry is capable of\ngreat revolutionary heroism, as the history of the Red Army\/PLA\u2019s struggle\nagainst Japan and the dictatorial Chiang Kai-shek regime showed, it is\nincapable of playing an independent role. Just as the villages take their cue\nfrom the cities, politically the peasantry supports one or other of the urban\nclasses \u2013 the working class or the capitalists. In China, rather than the\ncities moving the countryside, the CCP came to power by building a mass\nfollowing among the peasantry and then occupying the largely passive, war-weary\ncities. The class base of the revolution meant that it could emulate an\nexisting societal model but not create a new one.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The CCP\u2019s peasant orientation\ndeveloped out of the terrible defeat of the 1925-27 revolution, caused by the\nstages theory of the Communist International under Stalin\u2019s leadership. This\nheld that because China was only at the stage of bourgeois revolution, the\ncommunists must be prepared to support and serve Chiang\u2019s bourgeois Nationalist\nParty (Kuomintang). The CCP\u2019s young and impressive working class base was\nbrutally smashed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But while a significant Trotskyist\nminority formed shortly after this defeat, drawing correct conclusions that the\nworking class and not the capitalists must lead the Chinese revolution, the\nmajority of CCP leaders held to the Stalinist stages concept, although\nironically they broke with it in practise after taking power in 1949.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the late 1920s therefore, the main\ngroup of CCP cadres, drawn mostly from the intelligentsia, went with these\nmistaken pseudo Marxist ideas to wage guerrilla struggle in the countryside.\nChen Duxiu, the CCP\u2019s founder and later a co-thinker and supporter of Trotsky,\nwarned that the CCP risked degenerating into \u201cpeasant consciousness\u201d \u2013 a\nprophetic judgement. By 1930, only 1.6 percent of the party membership were\nworkers compared to 58 percent in 1927. This class composition remained almost\nunchanged up until the party won power in 1949, flowing automatically from the\nleadership\u2019s focus on the peasantry and rejection of the urban centres as the\nmain arena of struggle.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In tandem with this was the\nincreasing bureaucratisation of the party, the replacement of internal debate\nand democracy by a regime of commands and purges, and the cult of personality\naround Mao \u2013 all copied from Stalin\u2019s methods of rule. A peasant milieu and a\nmainly military struggle are far more conducive to the growth of bureaucracy\nthan a party immersed in mass workers\u2019 struggles. Therefore, whereas the\nRussian Revolution degenerated under unfavourable historical conditions, the\nChinese Revolution was bureaucratically disfigured from the outset. This\nexplains the contradictory nature of Maoism, of important social gains\nalongside brutal repression and dictatorial rule.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Hatred of Kuomintang<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the Japanese war of occupation\nended in 1945, US imperialism was unable to directly impose its own solution on\nChina. The mood to \u201cbring the troops home\u201d was too powerful. Therefore, the US\nwas left with no other option than to support Chiang Kai-shek\u2019s corrupt and\nbreathtakingly incompetent regime with massive amounts of aid and weaponry,\ntotalling six billion dollars.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

That Washington had little confidence\nin the Kuomintang government was shown by President Truman remarking some years\nlater: \u201cThey\u2019re thieves, every damn one of them. They stole $750 million out of\nthe billions we sent to Chiang. They stole it, and it\u2019s invested in real estate\ndown in Sao Paulo and some right here in New York\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For the masses, the Nationalist\nregime was an unmitigated disaster. In the last years of Kuomintang rule there\nwere reports from several cities of \u201cstarving people lying untended and dying\nin the streets\u201d. Factories and workshops closed down due to lack of supplies or\nbecause workers were too weakened by hunger to operate them. Summary executions\nby government agents and rampant crime by triad gangs was the norm in big\ncities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Alongside the land reform introduced\nin areas it liberated, the CCP\u2019s biggest asset was the hatred of the\nKuomintang. This also led to mass desertions of Chiang\u2019s troops to the side of\nthe Red Army\/PLA. From the autumn of 1948, Mao\u2019s armies won landslide victories\nin several main battles. In city after city across the country, Kuomintang\nforces either surrendered, deserted, or staged rebellions to join up with the\nPLA. In effect, Chiang\u2019s regime rotted from within, presenting the CCP with\nexceptionally favourable circumstances. Subsequent Maoist-guerrilla movements,\nsuch as those in Malaya, Philippines, Peru, Nepal, that have tried to reproduce\nMao\u2019s success have not been as fortunate.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With a genuine Marxist policy, the\noverthrow of the Kuomintang could almost certainly have been achieved more\nquickly and less painfully. From September 1945, following Japan\u2019s military\ncollapse, until late 1946, workers in all major cities staged a magnificent\nstrike wave, with 200,000 on strike in Shanghai. Students too poured onto the\nstreets in a nationwide mass movement that reflected the radicalisation of\nsociety\u2019s middle layers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The students demanded democracy and\nopposed the Kuomintang\u2019s military mobilisation for the civil war against the\nCCP. The workers demanded trade union rights and an end to wage freezes. Rather\nthan give a lead to this movement the CCP applied the brakes, urging the masses\nnot to go to \u201cextremes\u201d in their struggle. At this stage, Mao was still wedded\nto the perspective of a \u201cunited front\u201d with the \u201cnational\u201d bourgeoisie who\nshould not become agitated by working class militancy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The students were merely used as a\nbargaining chip by the CCP to exert pressure on Chiang to enter into peace\ntalks. The CCP did its utmost to keep the students\u2019 and workers\u2019 struggles\nseparate. The inevitable laws of class struggle are such that this limitation\nof the movement produced defeat and demoralisation. Many student and worker\nactivists were swept up in a wave of Kuomintang repression that followed. Some\nwere executed. A historic opportunity was missed, prolonging the life of\nChiang\u2019s dictatorship and leaving the urban masses largely passive for the\nremainder of the civil war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Stages theory<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In keeping with the Stalinist stages\ntheory, in 1940 Mao wrote: \u201cThe Chinese revolution in its present stage is not\nyet a socialist revolution for the overthrow of capitalism but a\nbourgeois-democratic revolution, its central task being mainly that of\ncombating foreign imperialism and domestic feudalism\u201d (Mao Zedong, On New\nDemocracy, January 1940).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In order to achieve a bloc with the\n\u201cprogressive\u201d or \u201cpatriotic\u201d capitalists, Mao limited the land reform (as late\nas autumn 1950 this had been carried out in only one-third of China). Also,\nwhile the businesses of \u201cbureaucratic capitalists\u201d \u2013 Kuomintang cronies and\nofficials \u2013 were nationalised immediately, private capitalists retained their\ncontrol and in 1953 accounted for 37 percent of GDP.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A crucial test came with the Korean\nWar that broke out in June 1950. This brought a massive escalation of US\npressure, economic sanctions, and even the threat of a nuclear attack on China.\nThe war and sharply polarised world situation that accompanied it (the \u201ccold\nwar\u201d between the Soviet Union and US) meant Mao\u2019s regime, in order to stay in\npower, had no choice but to complete the social transformation, speeding up\nland reform and extending its control over the whole economy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Chinese revolution was therefore\na paradoxical, unfinished revolution that brought monumental social progress\nbut also created a monstrous bureaucratic dictatorship whose power and\nprivileges increasingly undermined the potential of the planned economy. By the\ntime of Mao\u2019s death, the regime was deeply split and in crisis, fearing mass\nupheavals that could sweep it from power.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Some in China today have become\nhardened anti-communists, supporting global capitalism, believing this is\nsomehow an alternative to the current regime. Others have turned to Mao\u2019s\nlegacy, which they feel has been completely betrayed by his successors. Within\nthis rising social and political turbulence, genuine Marxists organised in the CWI\nin China, Hong Kong and Taiwan, are campaigning through the website\nchinaworker.info and other publications to win support for worldwide democratic\nsocialism as the only way forward.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Capitalism and imperialism were driven out, but political power rested in the hands of a Stalinist communist party<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":44,"featured_media":21338,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"tdm_status":"","tdm_grid_status":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-21333","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail"],"yoast_head":"\n70 years since the Chinese revolution - China Worker<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/en\/2019\/09\/30\/21333\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"70 years since the Chinese revolution - 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