{"id":29689,"date":"2021-05-30T21:40:58","date_gmt":"2021-05-30T13:40:58","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/?p=29689"},"modified":"2021-05-31T01:11:35","modified_gmt":"2021-05-30T17:11:35","slug":"police-crackdown-on-hong-kong-june-4-vigil","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/en\/2021\/05\/30\/29689\/","title":{"rendered":"Police crackdown on Hong Kong June 4 vigil"},"content":{"rendered":"

Up to five years imprisonment for commemorating 1989 Beijing massacre.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Hong Liuxing and Vincent Kolo,\u00a0chinaworker.info<\/span><\/p>\n

Hong Kong\u2019s\u00a0Security Bureau\u00a0have\u00a0issued an official political ban on\u00a0this year\u2019s June 4 vigil commemorating the 1989\u00a0Beijing\u00a0massacre, threatening up to\u00a0five\u00a0years imprisonment for merely attending. In addition, the police have added a last-minute charge of\u00a0one\u00a0year imprisonment for the simple act of publicizing the upcoming vigil.<\/p>\n

The authorities have thereby dropped the pretence of using pandemic restrictions to justify a ban. That particular charade is over. The real reason was always the Chinese regime\u2019s desire to exorcise the spectre of events 32 years ago, when the People\u2019s Liberation Army used tanks and live ammunition to crush democracy protests in the Chinese capital. Extreme levels of censorship in mainland China have sought to completely erase the 1989 events from society\u2019s memory. Hong Kong has for over three decades been the last outpost on Chinese soil, where huge and growing annual June 4 manifestations helped to keep the 1989 flame of revolt alive.<\/p>\n

This latest round of ruthless attacks on the fundamental right to protest\u00a0in Hong Kong\u00a0reflects\u00a0both\u00a0the political insecurity felt by\u00a0the\u00a0Chinese\u00a0dictatorship\u00a0(CCP)\u00a0but also its M.O. for ruling\u00a0Hong Kong today.\u00a0That\u00a0is to continually double down on repression,\u00a0with\u00a0each repressive step generating\u00a0an even more\u00a0hardline\u00a0sequel.<\/p>\n

A\u00a0month\u00a0ago\u00a0the\u00a0Hong Kong\u00a0government announced the annual vigil would be banned on health grounds. At the time,\u00a0Chief Executive Carrie Lam\u00a0responded\u00a0evasively to\u00a0questions over\u00a0the legality of the June 4 vigil,\u00a0saying\u00a0it\u00a0was a matter for\u00a0the police\u00a0to decide.\u00a0As on so many other occasions, Lam\u2019s view really doesn\u2019t count for anything. Xi Jinping\u2019s dictatorship is now running the city and its Hong Kong policies reflect overall national and global priorities rather than local factors. Lam is not in the inner circle and today she can only interpret Beijing\u2019s body language to guess which policies she will be supporting tomorrow.<\/p>\n

Sensing an opportunity, given the lack of a strong public reaction to the initial June 4 ban, the Chinese dictatorship demanded more. It wants to fully ban the Hong Kong vigil and establish its future illegality. From this it is also clear how much the authorities are still haunted not only by the 1989 events but also by Hong Kong\u2019s 2019 mass struggle for democratic rights.<\/p>\n

\u201cEverything that\u2019s illegal is illegal.\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n

Compared to last year, when the Hong Kong government banned the June 4 vigil on the grounds of Covid-19, this year\u2019s banning (at a time with an average of one new Covid-19 case per day and the return of large-scale arts events) also included an explicitly political dimension. Regarding the vigil, Lam stated that \u201cit much depends on what is going to happen in those gatherings and whether they will fall into the offences expressly prohibited in the national security law.\u201d The Secretary of Labour has similarly given statements designed to cast fear in ambiguity, saying \u201ceverything that\u2019s illegal is illegal\u201d.<\/p>\n

As the regime\u00a0has\u00a0the ability to define for itself the meanings of \u201csubversion and secession\u201d in the\u00a0national\u00a0security\u00a0law, even retroactive sentences can\u00a0be handed out for\u00a0attending or promoting\u00a0political gatherings.<\/p>\n

When asked about the right to say popular June 4 slogans such as \u201cend one-party rule,\u201d Lam responded by saying, \u201cWe in the Hong Kong SAR need to respect the country\u2019s constitution, and the constitution clearly says that socialism with Chinese characteristics is led by the Chinese Communist Party.\u201d Compared with the prided \u201ccharacteristics of respecting and advocating freedom of speech,\u201d that Lam stated two years ago, the limitations on freedom of speech have now crept from advocating Hong Kong independence to simply calling for a different form of government.<\/p>\n

In nearby Macau, the June 4 gathering has been explicitly banned only on the political grounds that the slogans \u201cend one-party rule\u201d and \u201cstop political persecution\u201d were \u201cinstigating subversion and defamation.\u201d Interestingly, the laws applied were not a new national security law like in Hong Kong, but instead the reinterpretation of colonial laws from 1995.<\/p>\n

This conclusively shows how the CCP dictatorship has reused the old apparatus of colonial oppression to suit its needs of authoritarian control. Similarly, many pro-democracy activists in Hong Kong have been imprisoned for \u201cunlawful assembly\u201d under another holdover of colonial law. This includes four pro-democracy activists sentenced for last year\u2019s June 4 vigil, banned ostensibly on health grounds, with a further 20 awaiting sentencing for the same offence.<\/p>\n

Revolutionary situation<\/strong><\/p>\n

Derided as simply a remembrance vigil, the recent bans have highlighted the Chinese regime\u2019s sensitivity to any mention of June 4. While Hong Kong\u2019s \u2018five demands\u2019 from the 2019 mass struggle only addressed problems in Hong Kong itself, 1989 recalls a mass revolutionary movement of students and workers which had the potential to topple the CCP dictatorship entirely. During the months leading up to the massacre, millions of workers and students in at least 300 cities across China (not just in Beijing, where the Western media was based) demonstrated, participated in civil disobedience and began to organise strike action, to call for democratization and the end of dictatorship.\u00a0This quickly became a revolutionary situation, with many low-level CCP officials and members being swept along with the movement.<\/p>\n

While students focused primarily on the demand for political democracy, the Chinese working-class also mobilized to demand an end to the explosive inequalities that had opened up under Deng Xiaoping\u2019s pro-capitalist \u2018market liberalization\u2019. Independent unions such as the Beijing Autonomous Workers\u2019 Federation were set up, showing the potential to overthrow the Maoist-Stalinist regime, which was rapidly moving in the direction of capitalist dictatorship, and replace this with a genuinely democratic and socialist China.<\/p>\n

When the CCP ordered the military to crack down on the mass movement, the commander of the 38th Group Army guarding Beijing refused, reflecting a revolutionary situation that had created deep splits in the PLA and state apparatus. State power hung by a thread. A Swiss diplomat later revealed that \u201cevery member of the Politburo Standing Committee has approached him about transferring very significant amounts of money to Swiss bank accounts.\u201d All that was lacking in the situation at that time was a clear working class alternative \u2013 a program and a leadership to carry through revolutionary change rather than one that hopes to persuade \u2018enlightened\u2019 sections of the regime to adopt \u2018reforms\u2019.<\/p>\n

Read more \u27b3 Learn more about the 1989 movement<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n

In reaction, the CCP set about to brutally massacre demonstrators in order to defeat the workers and students. As if to reflect the true counter-revolutionary class character of the CCP at that time, the vast majority killed were residents of Beijing\u2019s outer working class districts, with the student occupiers in Tiananmen Square itself suffering far fewer fatalities. The defeat of the movement set about the decisive counter-revolutionary transition to China\u2019s modern form of dictatorial state-guided capitalism.<\/p>\n

Counter-revolution in Hong Kong\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

Now, as counter-revolutionary reaction enters full swing in Hong Kong, democratic activists are being charged with a pile of sentences as the regime seeks to consign them permanently to prison. For instance, veteran left-wing activist Leung Kwok-hung \u201cLong Hair\u201d has been sentenced to a combined 22 months in prison along with others for participating and \u201cinciting\u201d two demonstrations in 2019. Liberal youth activist Joshua Wong has also been sentenced for joining last year\u2019s June 4 vigil, adding ten months to his year-and-a-half prison sentence. Both Leung and Wong are also charged with \u201csubversion\u201d under the national security law for which the maximum penalty is life imprisonment.<\/p>\n

The sentences now being meted out in Hong Kong are more severe than during the Deng regime\u2019s crackdown on the 1989 movement. Even the \u201cmost wanted\u201d student leaders of the 1989 democracy movement were in most cases only given jail sentences of two to three years, while in Hong Kong now the police threaten five years just for commemorating that movement. For example, Yang Tao, head of Beijing University\u2019s Autonomous Student Federation, received a one year sentence for \u201cincitement to overthrow state political power\u201d for his role in the 1989 movement. Protest leader Wang Dan was given a four year sentence.<\/p>\n

Hong Kong\u2019s June 4 vigils are the legacy of million strong demonstrations in solidarity with Chinese protestors in 1989, with the last legal demonstration in 2019 having attracted 180,000 people. Many mainland Chinese have continued to travel to Hong Kong to join the annual protests, defying the CCP\u2019s dictatorial control.<\/p>\n

Repression is not stability<\/strong><\/p>\n

The CCP now believes it can inflict a permanent ban on the June 4 vigil in Hong Kong, allowing it to remove what has long been a political thorn in its side. This will likely be followed by moves to ban the annual July 1 demonstration and other anti-government marches.<\/p>\n

The US-China conflict is an additional powerful factor pushing the Beijing regime to go on the political offensive in Hong Kong. The sight of tens of thousands again gathering for democratic rights would be extremely negative PR for Xi Jinping in his showdown with Biden and the US president\u2019s \u201cdemocracy\u201d crusade \u2013 in reality nothing of the sort, rather a repackaging of Trump\u2019s anti-China agenda.<\/p>\n

But the dictatorship is overplaying its hand. Repression will not create political or economic stability and whichever \u201cimprovements\u201d (i.e. more totalitarian control) Beijing makes to its model for ruling Hong Kong, mass anger is growing. The previous pseudo-democracy inherited from the British colonial era, now consigned to the dustbin by the CCP, at least provided Hong Kong\u2019s rulers with some \u2018safety valves\u2019 to release the dangerous build-up of political pressures within the system.<\/p>\n

The bourgeois pan-democratic politicians \u2013 many now in prison \u2013 were an important part of this pseudo-democratic set up: They referenced the masses\u2019 demands for democratic rights but always sought to reach an accommodation with the dictatorship and avoid or limit mass protests.<\/p>\n

At the same time, China itself is today sliding deeper and deeper into crisis. Actually, it faces a multitude of interconnected crises: demographic, economic, ecological and political. Xi Jinping\u2019s hardline repressive rule, which includes using Hong Kong as his \u2018punch bag\u2019, is creating instability in China rather than the opposite. The dictatorship is on course to detonate movements that can even put 1989 into the shade.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Many mainland Chinese have continued to travel to Hong Kong to join the annual protests, defying the CCP\u2019s dictatorial control.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":12,"featured_media":29691,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"tdm_status":"","tdm_grid_status":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[133,124],"tags":[1329,11587,36951],"class_list":{"0":"post-29689","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-hong-kong","8":"category-news","9":"tag-democracy-struggle","10":"tag-june-4-vigil","11":"tag-solidarity-against-repression-in-china-and-hong-kong"},"yoast_head":"\nPolice crackdown on Hong Kong June 4 vigil - China Worker<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Hong Kong\u2019s June 4 vigils are the legacy of million strong demonstrations in solidarity with Chinese protestors in 1989.\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/en\/2021\/05\/30\/29689\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Police crackdown on Hong Kong June 4 vigil - 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