{"id":3415,"date":"2007-11-07T12:00:48","date_gmt":"2007-11-07T12:00:17","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/shehuizhuyizhe.com\/?p=3415"},"modified":"2017-02-23T13:41:42","modified_gmt":"2017-02-23T05:41:42","slug":"90th-anniversary-of-the-russian-revolution","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/en\/2007\/11\/07\/3415\/","title":{"rendered":"90th anniversary of the Russian Revolution"},"content":{"rendered":"

The October Revolution \u2013 when the working class took power<\/strong><\/h1>\n

<\/p>\n

\n

Peter Taaffe, General Secretary, Socialist Party (CWI in England & Wales)Unlike ten years ago, a kaleidoscope of \u2018colour\u2019 or \u2018flower\u2019 revolutions in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, and now the \u2018saffron\u2019 revolution in Burma, have broken out. These \u2018revolutions\u2019 are acceptable to representatives of the possessing classes because they have not challenged the foundations of capitalist rule but, if anything, have sought to consolidate and \u2018perfect\u2019 them.<\/p>\n

The October 1917 Russian Revolution by contrast instituted for the first time working-class power. As tsarist General Zalessky, speaking for the \u2018dispossessed\u2019 capitalists and landlords, said when he mournfully surveyed the Russian Revolution:<\/p>\n

\u201cWho would believe that the janitor or watchman of the Court building would suddenly become Chief Justice of the Court of Appeals, or the hospital orderly manager of the hospital, the barber a big functionary, yesterday\u2019s ensign [junior military officer] the commander-in-chief, yesterday\u2019s lackey or common labourer burgomaster, yesterday\u2019s train oiler chief of division or station superintendent, yesterday\u2019s locksmith head of the factory?\u201d<\/p>\n

But that was precisely what Russia became after the Bolsheviks led the Russian masses to overthrow the landlord and capitalist system, crowned by the tsarist dictatorship, that was a torture chamber for the mass of the people. Moreover, only in Russia, following the October overturn, did the workers take power and establish real workers\u2019 democracy.<\/p>\n

In the last 90 years there have been many opportunities for the working class to follow the path of the Russian workers of 1917. Robert V. Daniels argues falsely that revolutions are a product of \u201cunderdeveloped\u201d societies in the first stages of industrialisation.<\/p>\n

Yet, in the post-second world war period, a revolutionary wave even greater than that following the Russian Revolution swept Western Europe \u2013 in Italy, in France, even in Britain, where troops voted Labour en masse because they were determined to end the mass unemployment and poverty of the interwar years.<\/p>\n

In 1968, in France, there was a general strike of ten million workers, the greatest in history. They occupied the factories and reached out for power but were blocked by the leaders of their own organisations, the Communist Party, trade union and \u2018socialist\u2019 leaders.<\/p>\n

In the Portuguese Revolution of 1974, the capitalist state disintegrated. The great majority of Portugal\u2019s officer caste was enormously radicalised, moving in the direction of socialism, (in Russia, the officers remained implacably hostile, in the main, to the revolution).<\/p>\n

In all these cases, the revolutionary process took place in Europe, in \u2018developed\u2019 advanced industrial countries. Revolution, a social overturn, unfolds when there is no other way out. Before this, the masses advance and retreat several times before they believe it is necessary to undertake the \u2018final assault\u2019. This is how the Russian Revolution developed over nine months, through different phases of revolution and counter-revolution.<\/p>\n

The July Days prepared the ground for the counter-revolution\u2019s offensive, with its brutal hounding of the Bolsheviks and massive slander. This culminated in tsarist General Kornilov\u2019s attempt, under the cover of the Kerensky coalition, to drown the revolution in blood with a march on Petrograd.<\/p>\n

The Menshevik\/Social Revolutionary coalition government was suspended in mid-air as the masses themselves, under the leadership of the Bolsheviks \u2013 some of them released from jail like Trotsky to defend Petrograd \u2013 smashed Kornilov\u2019s coup.<\/p>\n

Similarly, when General Spinola attempted to derail the revolution in Portugal by seizing power in March 1975, the Portuguese working class, emulating the actions of their brothers and sisters 58 years before \u2013 without knowing it \u2013 completely undermined Spinola\u2019s forces. Workers\u2019 fraternisation tactics even won over Spinola\u2019s special battalions of paratroopers. This in turn propelled the revolution forward, resulting in 70% of industry being taken over.<\/p>\n

Kornilov\u2019s defeat in 1917, however, did not result in a similar outcome because of the Mensheviks\u2019 and Social Revolutionaries\u2019 hostility to the idea of taking power and establishing a socialist regime.<\/p>\n

A revolution is not the product of a handful of individuals proceeding to stage a \u2018coup\u2019, as capitalist historians argue. Daniels\u2019 book implies that the October Revolution could have been prevented: \u201cThe moderate soviet leaders could have forestalled the Bolshevik demand for \u2018All power to the soviets\u2019 only by taking full power themselves.\u201d<\/p>\n

He cites another historian: \u201cIf Kerensky had made immediate peace and given all land to the peasants, it is possible that Lenin would never have come to the Kremlin. Such a programme, of course, was Bolshevism in 1917. Its rejection by the moderate elements assured the triumph of their opponents.\u201d<\/p>\n

But these \u2018moderates\u2019, tied hand and foot to capitalism and landlordism, could not carry out this programme. Thoroughgoing land reform met the resistance of the landlords and the capitalists, who were very often one and the same, united through bank capital.<\/p>\n

The agricultural revolution in Russia \u2013 one of the tasks of the capitalist-democratic revolution \u2013 could only be implemented by a workers and peasants\u2019 government coming to power. The Bolsheviks, and only the Bolsheviks, worked for this throughout the tumultuous events of 1917.<\/p>\n

Initially, the masses were confused and hostile to the Bolsheviks\u2019 ideas. In July, when the Bolsheviks were persecuted and driven underground, the Donetz miners, then under the influence of the compromising Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries, took an oath at a gathering of 5,000 people reading: \u201cWe swear by our children, by God\u2026 that we will never relinquish the freedom bought with blood on 28 February 1917\u2026 we will never listen to the Leninists [who] are leading Russia to ruin, whereas the Social Revolutionaries and Mensheviks say: \u2018The land to the people, land without indemnities; the capitalist structure must fall after the war and in place of capitalism there must be a socialist structure\u2019.\u201d<\/p>\n

As Trotsky commented, this oath directed against the Bolsheviks in reality led straight to the Bolshevik revolution. They were the only ones who could give land, peace, bread and freedom. Their opponents were tied to the system that was incapable of delivering this to them.<\/p>\n

Slowly, as the masses saw and understood what the Bolsheviks stood for, hostility to their policies was remoulded into deep, implacable support. One soldier in the Moscow garrison said: \u201cAfter the attempt of Kornilov, all the troops acquired a Bolshevik colour\u2026 All were struck by the way in which the statement (of the Bolsheviks) came true\u2026 that General Kornilov would soon be at the gates of Petrograd.\u201d<\/p>\n

Growth of Bolsheviks<\/strong><\/p>\n

The Bolsheviks grew massively in August and September. The masses \u201cdrink up the Bolshevik slogans just as naturally as they breathe air\u201d. Conversely, the Social Revolutionaries and Mensheviks collapsed; the former from 375,000 votes in elections to the Moscow Duma in June to only 54,000 in September.<\/p>\n

The Petrograd garrison boasted 90% for the Bolsheviks, in some detachments over 95%. In the shop and factory committees, the same process was clear. At the beginning of the revolution in February, the Bolsheviks were a small minority with 1% or 2% in the soviets and only 4% when Lenin returned to Russia in April 1917.<\/p>\n

At that stage, Lenin declared: \u201cWe must base ourselves only upon the consciousness of the masses. Even if it is necessary to remain in a minority, so be it \u2026 We will carry on the work of criticism in order to free the masses from deceit. Our line will prove right. All the oppressed will come to us. They have no other way out.\u201d And so it proved in the tumultuous months following Kornilov\u2019s defeat.<\/p>\n

Revolution is a process, which Daniels points out, \u201cdevelops over a period of years, through discernible stages\u201d. This description, generally correct in its time-scale, did not apply to Russia because the urgency of ending the slaughter of the first world war gave the revolution its concentrated character and high tempo.<\/p>\n

But revolutions, ultimately, arrive at decisive moments when power is posed. If the oppressed masses do not seize the opportunity, then a downswing occurs where the former exploiters seek to take back the revolution\u2019s gains through counter-revolution.<\/p>\n

Sometimes this assumes a bloody character, as it did after the defeat of the 1925-27 revolution in China, in the bloody terror of Chiang Kai-shek\u2019s Guomindang and the murder, rape and brutality of invading imperialist armies like the Japanese.<\/p>\n

Undoubtedly, if the working class had not taken power, then a new Kornilov and a reign of terror, not the \u2018tranquil\u2019 humane capitalist democracy dreamed of by capitalist professors, would have ensued. But a revolution is determined by the whole preceding period and the existence of certain prerequisites. In Russia, the ruling classes \u2013 the nobility, monarchy, bureaucracy and the politically weak capitalists, with no real roots in the mass of the people \u2013 were rotting away.<\/p>\n

The oppressed nationalities\u2019 demands for freedom were denied by the compromisers. The revolt of the peasantry and the demand for the land was widespread. 77% of the peasant departments were in revolt that autumn. The working class \u2013 concentrated in big factories and a dynamic force \u2013 felt that they \u201ccould no longer live like this\u201d. This was undoubtedly the mood in autumn 1917.<\/p>\n

These conditions may exist, yet a revolutionary opportunity can still be missed through faulty leadership. History shows this, both before 1917 and since. Friedrich Engels, co-founder of the ideas of scientific socialism with Karl Marx, pointed out that there can be periods in the life of society when 20 years is like one day and then there can be one day when the events of 20 years are concentrated.<\/p>\n

Broadly speaking, this is what characterises a revolutionary period. Lenin, in urging the Bolshevik party to lead the revolution, wrote from the Finnish underground where murder threats had driven him after the July days, that the fate of Russia could be decided in two or three days.<\/p>\n

In reality, the possibility of the working class and poor peasants taking power lasted only two or three months, probably in September and October. Immediately before the October overturn, the masses in Petrograd and elsewhere were becoming impatient, muttering that perhaps the Bolsheviks were like other parties, would dither and not take power. To the left of the Bolsheviks, the anarchists began to grow.<\/p>\n

Fearful that the Bolsheviks could miss the opportunity and, from exile, fearing that even the soviets had degenerated under Menshevik and Social Revolutionary influence, Lenin urged the Bolshevik party to take power, basing itself on the more representative shop stewards and factory committees.<\/p>\n

Trotsky, present in Petrograd, was more in touch with the colossal changes being wrought in the soviets. The \u2018parent\u2019 of all Russia\u2019s soviets, the Petrograd soviet, swung decisively towards the Bolsheviks. Meanwhile, Kerensky\u2019s coalition government sought to move the most revolutionary battalions of soldiers out of Petrograd, obviously in preparation for a march on \u2018Bolshevik\u2019 Petrograd.<\/p>\n

To counter this the Petrograd soviet, which had installed Trotsky as its chairman in September, organised a Military Revolutionary Committee to defend the revolution\u2019s gains. This body carried through the October insurrection. For this to be achieved, it needed the existence of the \u2018subjective factor\u2019, the Bolshevik party. The existence of this party led to the successful October Revolution.
\n
\nInternational impact<\/strong><\/p>\n

Daniels argues that the Bolsheviks failed in their \u2018internationalist\u2019 perspective: \u201cDespite the high hopes of 1919, world revolution failed to materialise.\u201d On the contrary, the October Revolution initiated the \u2018Ten Days that Shook the World\u2019. Lenin and Trotsky saw the Russian Revolution as the impetus to a European and world revolution.<\/p>\n

There were revolutions in Germany in 1918, in Hungary in 1919 and a series of upheavals which, if the working class of the rest of Europe had possessed a leadership like the Bolsheviks, would have completely transformed the situation in Europe and the world, and with it changed history.<\/p>\n

The role of a mass party cannot be separated from the process of revolution. It is like the forceps for an obstetrician at a difficult birth. Without this, revolutions can and have resulted in abortions.<\/p>\n

Despite abundant revolutionary opportunities in the 20th century and in this one (Nepal, for instance), only in Russia did the working class directly take power and establish \u2013 for a short time (1917-23), it is true \u2013 workers\u2019 democracy. This meant the election of all officials, the right of recall, no official to receive more than the average worker, etc.<\/p>\n

Because of the blight of totalitarian Stalinism, the atrophy and collapse of the old working class organisations – the social democracy and communist parties – and their hollowing out into empty bureaucratic machines, new generations of young people and workers tend to reject the idea of \u2018parties\u2019 and even organisation.<\/p>\n

Yet, without the lever of a mass party with a farsighted revolutionary leadership, history shows that a revolutionary opportunity can be squandered with terrible consequences for the masses. The lesson of the Russian Revolution is that a party is required but one that bases itself on politically aware workers with their conscious control, democracy and influence reflected at all levels.<\/p>\n

The same applies to the kind of state needed in transition from capitalism to socialism. Daniels writes: \u201cEvery great revolution has ended in some sort of dictatorship.\u201d So it has been, so it will be in the future, he implies. Entirely discounted are the objective realities confronting revolutions up to now.<\/p>\n

For instance, the great 18th century French Revolution took place in a state with a higher economic and cultural level than those surrounding it. Mortally afraid that they would meet the same fate as France\u2019s royalty and aristocracy, feudal Europe, together with the British capitalists, ganged up against revolutionary France. This was one factor leading the revolution from the extreme democracy of the sans culottes through stages to Bonaparte\u2019s dictatorship.<\/p>\n

The Russian Revolution, the greatest single event in human history, was carried through on the basis of the most democratic organisations of the working class, the soviets (workers\u2019 committees) and of the most democratic workers\u2019 state ever seen.<\/p>\n

It degenerated not because Stalinism was inherent in Marxism-Leninism, as Daniels and others imply, but because of the Russian Revolution\u2019s isolation. Lenin and Trotsky never perceived it possible to establish socialism in isolation in such an economically and culturally backward society. Only the triumph of the European revolution would have guaranteed the maintenance and extension of the democracy from the outset, through the construction of a European socialist united states.<\/p>\n

Instead, the young workers\u2019 state was confronted with civil war, as the dispossessed landlords and capitalists collaborated with 21 armies of imperialism to try to destroy this state. At one stage, the revolution was confined to two cities, Petrograd and Moscow. The rest of Russia was in the hands of landlord-capitalist reaction.<\/p>\n

However, the revolution\u2019s class and internationalist appeal ultimately led to victory, which would have been impossible without the mass support of the European and worldwide working class.<\/p>\n

Daniels\u2019 arguments about Bolshevism\u2019s inherent dictatorial character during the civil war are bogus. He indicts the Bolsheviks for banning parties opposed to them. He leaves out one small detail. All these parties except for the fascistic, right-wing reactionary Black Hundreds, were allowed to exist in the first stage after the revolution. Only when they took up arms, resorted to the methods of civil war, did the Bolsheviks take action.<\/p>\n

How did Abraham Lincoln act towards the slaveholders during the American Civil War? Did he allow their representatives to function in areas controlled by the Union? Did Oliver Cromwell and the parliamentary forces in the English Civil War let King Charles I\u2019s forces operate in their areas?<\/p>\n

Merely posing the question shows how absurd and abstract is \u2018democracy\u2019 for the exploiters in a civil war, a war between the classes. Such methods, however, would not be necessary when a revolution develops in an advanced industrial country, which will inevitably spread internationally. There are now convulsions on the world financial markets – a harbinger of coming economic recession.<\/p>\n

Much as some sneer at the prospect of revolution in the modern era, these convulsions, together with massive \u2018unfortunate\u2018 social eruptions (which they freely describe as \u2018revolutions\u2019 when they are on capitalism\u2019s \u2018periphery\u2019), will become a reality in the 21st century in the \u2018advanced\u2019 societies as well.<\/p>\n

Article from the new pamphlet 1917 \u2013 The year that changed the world (Socialist Publications Ltd. , 2007, 48 pages paperback). This book can be ordered from\u00a0cwi.china@gmail.com<\/a>\u00a0Price:\u00a0<\/em>65 RMB including postage to PRC<\/em>.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The October Revolution \u2013 when the working class took power<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":12,"featured_media":3554,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"tdm_status":"","tdm_grid_status":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-3415","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail"],"yoast_head":"\n90th anniversary of the Russian Revolution - China Worker<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/en\/2007\/11\/07\/3415\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"90th anniversary of the Russian Revolution - 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