{"id":41726,"date":"2023-10-14T20:00:00","date_gmt":"2023-10-14T12:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/?p=41726"},"modified":"2023-10-14T19:46:45","modified_gmt":"2023-10-14T11:46:45","slug":"left-politics-sinn-fein-pbp-and-the-question-of-a-left-government-in-ireland","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/en\/2023\/10\/14\/41726\/","title":{"rendered":"Left politics: Sinn F\u00e9in, PBP and the question of a left government in Ireland"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n

A significant change in the political landscape in Ireland, coupled with Sinn F\u00e9in\u2019s rise to become the largest party in the North, will be a defining feature of Irish politics in the next few years. The misguided tactical approach that flows from this includes the problem of sowing illusions in Sinn F\u00e9in.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Eddie McCabe, Socialist Party (ISA in Ireland)<\/p>\n

The following article was first published in issue #18 of\u00a0<\/em>Socialist Alternative,\u00a0the theoretical magazine of Socialist Party.<\/em><\/p>\n

Sinn F\u00e9in became the largest party in the south for the first time in the general election of 2020, with 24.5% of the vote. In three opinion polls after the election but before the outbreak of the Covid pandemic it shot up to 35%. The instability of the pandemic allowed Fine Gael, the biggest government party, to regain ground and some stability in its support. But this began to dwindle in late 2020 with SF overtaking it again, and since July 2021\u00a0every poll<\/a>\u00a0has put Sinn F\u00e9in as the largest party, usually in the low- to mid-30s \u2013 with Fine Gael (FG) hovering around the low-20s, and Fianna F\u00e1il (FF) around the high teens.<\/p>\n

This is a significant change in the political landscape in the South, and coupled with Sinn F\u00e9in\u2019s rise to become the largest party in the North, means that the dynamic around Sinn Fein and where it goes will be a defining feature of Irish politics in the next few years. Potential does now exist for a government without either FG or FF for the first time in the history of the state, which would be viewed as momentous. Naturally, this trend has generated ample commentary and analysis from all quarters, including in previous issues of this journal.1<\/sup>\u00a0In the\u00a0last such article<\/a>\u00a0we detailed Sinn F\u00e9in\u2019s further shift to the right, ingratiating itself with the business establishment in particular, and we critically analysed People Before Profit\u2019s (PBP) view of Sinn F\u00e9in and the misguided tactical approach that flows from this, including the problem of sowing illusions in Sinn F\u00e9in.\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n

Since then PBP has gone somewhat further in developing both its view of Sinn F\u00e9in and the potential for a \u2018left government\u2019 in Ireland, with the publication in February of its pamphlet:\u00a0The Case For a Left Government \u2013 Getting Rid of Fianna F\u00e1il and Fine Gael<\/em>.2<\/sup>\u00a0In some respects this pamphlet indicates a more clear-sighted position on the question of a left government and the challenges it would face, but its overall analysis is not fully coherent, in large measure because of its contradictory but on the whole mistaken view of what Sinn F\u00e9in is and where it\u2019s heading. This article will briefly explain where we think PBP gets it wrong, which will hopefully contribute to a better understanding of how the question of a Sinn F\u00e9in government should be approached by those on the left.<\/p>\n

Hated and despised?<\/strong><\/p>\n

The PBP pamphlet tells us plainly that, \u201cthe privileged elite hate and despise Sinn F\u00e9in.\u201d It asks us to:\u00a0<\/p>\n

\u201cImagine for a moment, the reaction in the Shelbourne Hotel bar or the Portmarnock Golf Club to the news that a left-wing party or Sinn F\u00e9in will form the next government. A mood of fear mixed with horror would overtake the gathering.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n

This hatred and fear of Sinn F\u00e9in, we\u2019re told, explains, \u201cwhy there is a continual onslaught on the party from the mainstream media.\u201d But is any of this a true reflection of how Sinn F\u00e9in is viewed by the capitalist establishment today?<\/p>\n

Six or so years ago, when Gerry Adams was still leader of Sinn F\u00e9in, such an assessment would have had more legitimacy, but that\u2019s no longer the case. With the ascension of Mary Lou McDonald and particularly with its rise to become a realistic prospect to lead a government in the short-term, which has coincided with a further shift to the right by Sinn F\u00e9in itself, there has been a notable softening towards Sinn F\u00e9in by the mainstream media. It isn\u2019t vilified in the way it once was \u2013 as merely the political wing of a paramilitary organisation, even one that\u2019s no longer active. McDonald and most current Sinn F\u00e9in TDs were never part of the IRA. As such, it just doesn\u2019t work. Moreover, as the main opposition party Sinn F\u00e9in is well represented in mainstream political discourse \u2013 where its policies are treated with increasing credibility by establishment commentators.<\/p>\n

Hence, we read\u00a0in the\u00a0Irish Independent<\/em><\/a>, historically the newspaper most hostile to Sinn F\u00e9in, analysis such as this:<\/p>\n

\u201cOn corporate tax, the tech titans have little to worry about. Sinn F\u00e9in now resembles Fine Gael and Fianna F\u00e1il far more closely than Irish left-wing parties\u2026 On EU policy, Sinn F\u00e9in is unrecognisable from the party that regarded the EU as a neo-liberal, military plot and campaigned against every EU treaty up until relatively recently. There is no longer any fear that the party opposes EU-wide laws.\u201d3<\/sup><\/em><\/p>\n

And in\u00a0The Irish Times<\/em>\u00a0we read that<\/a>:<\/p>\n

\u201cWhile Gerry Adams famously said in 1979\u2026 that the party was \u2018opposed to big business, to multinationalism\u2026 to all forms and all manifestations of imperialism and capitalism\u2019, it has more recently taken to courting enterprise \u2013 with its leader Mary Lou McDonald\u2019s recently travelling to Silicon Valley, addresses to Ibec and senior party figures increasingly meeting business leaders.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n

The same article tells us that:<\/p>\n

\u201c\u2018Sinn F\u00e9in in government won\u2019t be anywhere near as radical as many might think\u2026\u2019 Sinn F\u00e9in has been moderating a number of policy positions in recent times, according to [Prof. David] Farrell of UCD, and is likely to compromise on others in any coalition discussions.\u201d4<\/sup><\/em><\/p>\n

Articles like these are hardly uncommon. Arguably, they could be read as attempts by these media outlets to undermine Sinn F\u00e9in among those working-class and young people who would like to see Sinn F\u00e9in take a more radical stance; to move further left not further right. But Sinn F\u00e9in is in fact moving to the right, and this is the message Sinn F\u00e9in itself is trying to present. Thus, Pearse Doherty is quoted as insisting that: \u201cSinn F\u00e9in are pro-business,\u201d and that, \u201cnobody who wants to see a radical programme by Sinn F\u00e9in wants business to be punished.\u201d He further states that Sinn F\u00e9in will \u201cbalance the books\u201d, echoing the neoliberal tropes of his two main rivals.<\/p>\n

Of course those rivals, FG and FF, are still the preferred options of the \u2018privileged elite\u2019, and certainly FG and FF politicians \u2018hate and despise\u2019 Sinn F\u00e9in; but this is less and less to do with Sinn F\u00e9in being seen as\u00a0a threat to<\/em>\u00a0the interests of Ireland\u2019s capitalist establishment, and more and more to do with Sinn F\u00e9in being seen as\u00a0rivals to represent<\/em>\u00a0the interest of Ireland\u2019s capitalist establishment \u2013 at the expense of FG and FF, and particularly their elected reps.\u00a0<\/p>\n

Coalition is not actually the main problem<\/strong><\/p>\n

Now, it\u2019s not as if PBP doesn\u2019t recognise this shift to the right by Sinn F\u00e9in; it does \u2013 it just seems unwilling to accept the full import of what this means for the prospect of a genuinely left government. And this refusal is a by-product of PBP\u2019s more fundamental illusion that Sinn F\u00e9in is more radical than it really is, which is linked to its mistaken belief that nationalism is more progressive than it really is.\u00a0<\/p>\n

This is evident in the overemphasis PBP puts on the issue of Sinn F\u00e9in being open to coalition with FG and FF. Absolutely this is significant, and should be highlighted to expose the reality of SF\u2019s desire to, in reality, be part of the capitalist establishment rather than upend it. As such it is correct to demand that Sinn F\u00e9in should rule out such coalition deals, and to criticise its refusal to do so. However, the impression one could take from PBP\u2019s analysis is that the danger of such deals is that they will stifle or obstruct Sinn F\u00e9in from implementing the radical change that it would otherwise implement if only given the chance. For example, PBP says:\u00a0<\/p>\n

\u201cThese right-wing parties represent the interests of the rich and privileged and so would only join a Sinn F\u00e9in led coalition to \u2018house train\u2019 the party into the practices of the Irish political establishment.\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n

Unfortunately, recent experience in the North illustrates this. Sinn F\u00e9in has been in coalition with the DUP from 2007 to 2020. During that time, they implemented austerity policies and supported measures to reduce corporation taxes on the wealthy\u2026 There can be little doubt that the presence of Fianna F\u00e1il in a coalition with Sinn F\u00e9in would produce a similar conservative result.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n

While this is partially true, it\u2019s not actually the main issue. SF\u2019s openness to cooperate and compromise with these right-wing parties says something about Sinn F\u00e9in itself: that fundamentally its political programme and approach are closer to those of these capitalist parties (FF especially) than they are to those of anti-capitalist and socialist parties. The DUP didn\u2019t force Sinn F\u00e9in to implement austerity policies, it did that willingly.\u00a0<\/p>\n

Anyone expecting radical change from Sinn F\u00e9in will be seriously disappointed. Indeed Sinn F\u00e9in has been careful in recent times to moderate its stances, which is part of a strategy to ensure it says and does just enough to do well in elections, but also that expectations of what it will deliver are not too high. Its housing policy, for instance, is for\u00a0100,000 public homes to be provided over five years<\/a>.5<\/sup>\u00a0This would be an improvement on what\u2019s gone before, but it\u2019s still considerably short of the\u00a0250,00 that even Leo Varadkar\u00a0<\/a>has conceded is needed6<\/sup>\u00a0\u2013 and even this is reliant on private contractors to build them, which is far from a surety.<\/p>\n

Not a radical party<\/strong><\/p>\n

Again it\u2019s not as if PBP doesn\u2019t see any of this in Sinn F\u00e9in. Its pamphlet notes that,\u201cSinn F\u00e9in\u2019s policy is to leave intact the main pillars of tax haven Ireland<\/em>\u201d (not exactly a minor difference with a left or socialist policy). Yet PBP\u2019s consistent refrain is to be\u00a0surprised<\/a>7<\/sup>\u00a0and\u00a0aghast8<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0at every about-turn Sinn F\u00e9in makes as it prepares for power9<\/sup>\u00a0\u2013 the latest being Sinn F\u00e9in\u2019s announcement that it will not withdraw Irish defence forces from EU and NATO military arrangments such as\u00a0Pesco and Partnership for Peace<\/a>.10<\/sup><\/p>\n

The seeming inconsistency in PBP\u2019s analysis is partially explained by its view of \u201ca contradiction at the heart of Sinn F\u00e9in<\/em>\u201d, which it says flows from Sinn F\u00e9in\u2019s attempt to \u201cstraddle different constituencies and different classes, avoiding taking clear stances that will alienate some of its support base<\/em>.\u201d<\/p>\n

There is of course a contradiction in Sinn F\u00e9in\u2019s attempt to win support from those looking for radical change (workers and young people) and those looking for temperate change (some corporations, bosses and wealthy people), which can\u2019t both be satisfied by the same policies. But PBP overstates this contradiction, which in any case is not unique to Sinn F\u00e9in. While it tries to play a balancing act between the interests of working-class people and the system that exploits them, there\u2019s little doubt on which side Sinn F\u00e9in will come down in the end. Still, PBP holds out some hope, writing:<\/p>\n

\u201cHowever, even while making these moves to the centre, the party sometimes tacks left. It plays an active role in the Cost of Living Coalition (COLC) and has helped mobilise thousands of people on the streets\u2026<\/em><\/p>\n

All of this means that while Sinn F\u00e9in can be a vehicle for working-class aspirations, the contradiction in its ranks means it will constantly try to moderate these. It will not promote people power from below and will urge waiting for governmental change. This, however, is a grave mistake for two reasons. The more working people remain passive, the more de-politicisation and right-wing cynicism grows. Moreover, if Sinn F\u00e9in is adopting a moderate left strategy now, the chances are that it will succumb to capitalist pressure when in government.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n

This whole analysis is inaccurate, beginning with PBP giving credit to Sinn F\u00e9in for its role in \u2018mobilising thousands on the streets.\u2019 With its position as the main opposition party, the party with most TDs, probably the largest active membership, the most financial resources, and the party consistently leading in opinion polls for two years now, Sinn F\u00e9in would surely have enormous capacity to mobilise people into active struggle. What\u2019s striking is what little inclination it has to use its resources and influence in this way. At most it has engaged in token mobilisations of its own members on certain issues like housing and cost of living, but little else \u2013 and it has been notably absent from efforts to actively resist the emerging far right. Historically, Sinn F\u00e9in has never based itself on mass struggles of working-class and young people; indeed whenever such struggles have developed from below, as with the water charges and repeal movements in the South, Sinn F\u00e9in has been extremely flatfooted.\u00a0<\/p>\n

In that sense, PBP has it all wrong: Sinn F\u00e9in\u00a0cannot<\/em>\u00a0be \u2018a vehicle for working-class aspirations\u2019, precisely because these aspirations can only be achieved through struggle. But then PBP does also acknowledge this (undermining its previous point about COLC), noting correctly that Sinn F\u00e9in will tend to steer people towards elections, not active struggle. PBP insists that this is a \u2018grave mistake\u2019 and a boon to those forces who would rather see working-class people unengaged and atomised. What PBP fails to see, however, is that Sinn F\u00e9in\u00a0is<\/em>\u00a0one of those forces, and far from a mistake this is a calculated strategic decision on its part.\u00a0<\/p>\n

Similarly, PBP fails to see that the problem is not that there\u2019s a good chance Sinn F\u00e9in will \u2018succumb to capitalist pressure when in government\u2019, of which its \u2018moderate left strategy\u2019 is a forewarning; it\u2019s that its moderate left strategy is evidence of its already having succumbed to capitalist pressure. This is vital to understand, and should inform how the question of a left government is posed and approached.<\/p>\n

Not a left government\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

All of this leads to a peculiar disconnect between PBP\u2019s outline of what a left government should or would do and its focus on the prospect of a Sinn F\u00e9in-led \u2018left government\u2019.\u00a0<\/p>\n

For example, some of what PBP describes as what a left government would mean is noteworthy: a raft of pro-worker policies, including taxes on wealth and profits, massive investment in public services, and some nationalisations; an inevitable confrontation with the capitalist state, financial institutions, and the EU; and the need to consistently mobilise \u2018people power\u2019 enmasse, including potentially forming \u2018people\u2019s assemblies\u2019 \u2013 the embryo of a radically democratic alternative to the capitalist state. Much of this is laudable, and indeed a progression on PBP\u2019s own position, which has rarely if ever been articulated in this way before.<\/p>\n

So good in and of itself, but all of which also makes its focus on Sinn F\u00e9in all the more incongruous. Not only has Sinn F\u00e9in given no indication that it favours such a radical programme, it has explicitly and repeatedly explained that it is\u00a0opposed<\/em>\u00a0to anything resembling such a radical programme. Yet PBP continues to speak of and argue for a left government led by Sinn F\u00e9in as if this wasn\u2019t the case.\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n

Again this relates to PBP\u2019s inconsistency, which manifests in it more often presenting a potential left government as something far less radical than the above. The impression is often given, including in parts of this same pamphlet, that a left government would be any government that doesn\u2019t include FG and FF \u2013 and implements some reforms. No doubt Sinn F\u00e9in offers the most likely route to a government of this kind, but as well as Sinn F\u00e9in\u2019s own moderate programme being dominant, that government would most likely also include some combination of the Labour Party, Social Democrats and the Green Party.11<\/sup>\u00a0In which case, while it would technically be a leftward shift from what FG and FF represent, it would not be a left government that would in any way challenge capitalism, or fundamentally improve the lives of workers and young people.\u00a0<\/p>\n

Referring to this prospect as the \u2018left government\u2019, which PBP has a tendency to do, is therefore hugely problematic.\u00a0<\/p>\n

Tactical manoeuvres\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

After outlining its perspective on Sinn F\u00e9in and the potential for a left government, PBP sums up its position as follows:\u00a0<\/p>\n

\u201cHowever, while openly arguing that Sinn F\u00e9in cannot be trusted to carry through a consistent left programme, People Before Profit recognises that many working people currently see it as a vehicle for their aspirations. This is why we commit in advance of an election to vote for Mary Lou McDonald as Taoiseach if she is willing to lead a government that does not include Fianna F\u00e1il or Fine Gael\u2026\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n

This position is similar to the one we advocated in our\u00a0last article<\/a>. If votes are needed to allow an alternative government, without FG or FF, to come to power, socialist TDs could facilitate that without supporting that government \u2013 from the inside or outside. In this way a Sinn F\u00e9in-led government can be tested in practice while a genuine left alternative is built in opposition: both inside the D\u00e1il \u2013 where socialist TDs will vote for policies that are in the interests of working-class people and against those that are not; and outside the D\u00e1il \u2013 where struggle is organised in workplaces, communities, colleges and schools. Make no mistake, even if a Sinn F\u00e9in-led government implements some improvements in some areas in the short term, the logic of the capitalist system it\u2019s determined to work within means that its reverting to attacks on working-class people is only a matter of time.<\/p>\n

But PBP goes further, writing:<\/p>\n

\u201cWe go further and state openly that we want to participate in a left government that transforms people\u2019s lives for the better and represents real change from the old Fianna F\u00e1il-Fine Gael status quo\u2026 We will participate fully in that project, but such a government must be willing to break the rules of capitalism and challenge the obstruction of the rich and encourage the struggles of workers against the for-profit system.<\/em><\/p>\n

In the event of TDs being elected, we shall enter discussions with Sinn F\u00e9in to form a left government without the two right-wing parties. We know that many of their own base support this and Sinn F\u00e9in should come under pressure to keep their word.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n

Here PBP is in danger of making the mistake we warned about in our\u00a0last article<\/a>: of making commitments \u2013 for tactical reasons \u2013 that it can\u2019t fulfil, which can both undermine its position in advance of an election,12<\/sup>\u00a0and backfire on it after it. The problem again goes back to PBP conflating the discrete ideas of a Sinn F\u00e9in-led government\u00a0without FG and FF<\/em>, which is a possibility, and a Sinn F\u00e9in-led government\u00a0that challenges capitalism<\/em>, which is not a possibility.13<\/sup>\u00a0Sowing illusions in Sinn F\u00e9in and what a Sinn F\u00e9in-led government can achieve is to mislead the working class, which is obviously not in the interests of the working class, and certainly not in the interests of socialists. It\u2019s a recipe for demoralisation, which will benefit not only the right-wing establishment, but the nefarious forces of the far right.\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n

An effective approach<\/strong><\/p>\n

After the next election PBP wants to negotiate with Sinn F\u00e9in about forming a \u2018left government\u2019, indeed it wants to discuss this with Sinn F\u00e9in in advance of an election. But what exactly it will be negotiating it doesn\u2019t tell us, which is strange given that this pamphlet was billed as a development of its position. Yet PBP is even more cagey about the possible demands and \u2018red lines\u2019 it would\u00a0insist on<\/em>\u00a0in order to participate in a government with Sinn F\u00e9in \u2013 things it has alluded to in the past, and things people will want to know.\u00a0<\/p>\n

No matter what PBP comes up with, however, Sinn F\u00e9in could make some concessions that can make PBP look unreasonable as a result, and responsible for any failure to agree a programme for government, and the dashing of hopes PBP itself has raised; by promoting the prospect of a left government that doesn\u2019t really exist. Is PBP prepared to resist the pressure it would come under from all sides \u2013 from Sinn F\u00e9in and other parties, from the media, and even from its own supporters and voters? Or is it prepared to compromise? Of course it shouldn\u2019t, as nothing good for the left can come from participation in what would be a capitalist government. But if it isn\u2019t then why bother engaging in this charade at all?\u00a0<\/p>\n

There is unquestionably a real desire among working-class and young people to get rid of FG and FF. This is positive, and socialists have to be able to positively engage with this \u2013 explaining how it can be achieved, as well as its limitations and what\u2019s really needed. But a skillful engagement with those workers and young people looking towards Sinn F\u00e9in, with a view to shifting them further left, beyond Sinn F\u00e9in, can be carried out effectively without the elaborate, ultimately misleading and counterproductive, tactical ploys PBP seems wedded to.<\/p>\n

Notes<\/strong><\/p>\n

    \n
  1. Kevin McLoughlin, \u2018Sinn F\u00e9in preparing for power in the South: Can it deliver real change?<\/a>\u2019,\u00a0Socialist Alternative<\/em>\u00a0issue #14, Spring 2022, & Kevin McLoughlin, \u2018Socialists & a Sinn F\u00e9in Government<\/a>\u2019,\u00a0Socialist Alternative\u00a0<\/em>issue #16, Autumn \/ Winter 2022-2023<\/li>\n
  2. \u00a0PBP, Feb 2023,\u00a0The Case For a Left Government \u2013 Getting Rid of Fianna F\u00e1il and Fine Gael.\u00a0<\/em>All quotes are from this pamphlet, unless otherwise indicated<\/li>\n
  3. Adrian Weckler, 11 Sept 22, \u2018Mary Lou hitches up Sinn F\u00e9in party-mobile for Silicon Valley drive-by\u2019, www.independent.ie<\/li>\n
  4. \u00a0Joe Brennan, 14 April 23, \u2018Sinn F\u00e9in\u2019s high-wire act: courting big business and those \u2018left behind\u2019, www.irishtimes.com<\/li>\n
  5. \u00a0Mairead Maguire, 8 Sept 22, \u2018Sinn Fein promises 100k homes if elected\u2019, www.newstalk.com<\/li>\n
  6. \u00a0P. Hosford & E. Loughlin, 8 Mar 23, \u2018Leo Varadkar: Ireland has a shortfall of 250,000 homes\u2019, www.irishexaminer.com<\/li>\n
  7. \u00a0PBP statement, 16 May 23, \u2018Defend neutrality \u2013 but where does Sinn Fein stand?\u2019, www.pbp.ie<\/li>\n
  8. \u00a0PBP statement, 28 Feb 23, \u2018NATO & Ukraine: Where does Sinn Fein stand?\u2019, www.pbp.ie<\/li>\n
  9. \u00a0Other recent examples include Sinn F\u00e9in attending the coronation of King Charles, or its effusive welcome of President Joe Biden to Ireland.<\/li>\n
  10. \u00a0Pat Leahy, 13 May 23, \u2018Sinn F\u00e9in drops pledges to withdraw from EU and Nato defence arrangements\u2019, www.irishtimes.com<\/li>\n
  11. \u00a0PBP\u00a0wrote to Sinn F\u00e9in, Social Democrats and \u2018left independents\u2019<\/a>\u00a0in March about discussing the formation of a left government after the next election. It has elsewhere ruled out including Labour and the Greens as part of such a coalition, even though their numbers are likely to be needed to form a government \u2018without FG and FF\u2019.<\/li>\n
  12. \u00a0If Sinn F\u00e9in is promoted by PBP as key to a \u2018left government\u2019, many people will just vote for Sinn F\u00e9in over PBP \u2013 as the larger of two supposedly left parties.<\/li>\n
  13. \u00a0Note also that PBP\u2019s formulation, \u201cbreak the rules of capitalism and challenge the obstruction of the rich\u201d, is sufficiently vague that it can mean something far less radical than an actual challenge to the rule of the capitalist system, which is what a real left government would be. But in fact this is also in line with PBP\u2019s own politics: its programme in all its key policy documents, its budget statements and even the books by its leading members is an explicitly reformist one \u2013 far more radical than Sinn F\u00e9in\u2019s, but not one that breaks with the capitalist system.<\/li>\n<\/ol>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

    A significant change in the political landscape in Ireland, coupled with Sinn F\u00e9in\u2019s rise to become the largest party in the North, will be a defining feature of Irish politics in the next few years. The misguided tactical approach that flows from this includes the problem of sowing illusions in Sinn F\u00e9in. Eddie McCabe, Socialist […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":12,"featured_media":41720,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"tdm_status":"","tdm_grid_status":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[404,408,154],"tags":[230,36884],"class_list":{"0":"post-41726","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-features","8":"category-reviews","9":"category-theory","10":"tag-ireland","11":"tag-left-alternative-socialism-2"},"yoast_head":"\nLeft politics: Sinn F\u00e9in, PBP and the question of a left government in Ireland - China Worker<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/en\/2023\/10\/14\/41726\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Left politics: Sinn F\u00e9in, PBP and the question of a left government in Ireland - China Worker\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"A significant change in the political landscape in Ireland, coupled with Sinn F\u00e9in\u2019s rise to become the largest party in the North, will be a defining feature of Irish politics in the next few years. The misguided tactical approach that flows from this includes the problem of sowing illusions in Sinn F\u00e9in. 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