{"id":7622,"date":"2014-07-04T20:36:42","date_gmt":"2014-07-07T06:20:37","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/chinaworker.info\/?p=7622"},"modified":"2014-07-12T14:27:27","modified_gmt":"2014-07-12T06:27:27","slug":"hong-kong-what-next-after-massive-july-1-demo","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/en\/2014\/07\/04\/7622\/","title":{"rendered":"Hong Kong: What next after massive July 1 demo?"},"content":{"rendered":"

Battle-lines hardening as masses push for democracy while government steps up repression<\/strong><\/p>\n

Vincent Kolo, chinaworker.info<\/p>\n

This year\u2019s \u20187.1\u2019 (July 1) anti-government demonstration in Hong Kong was massive, one of the biggest protests in East Asia in\u00a0the past\u00a0decade. Demo organisers put the attendance at over 500,000, similar to the turnout in 2003\u00a0\u2013\u00a0a revolt against repressive national security legislation (\u2018Article 23\u2019), which gave birth to \u20187.1\u2019 as a day of anti-government protest. Many participants believe the turnout was even bigger, perhaps 700,000. With the march starting at 3.00pm, it was 11.00pm by the time the last ranks had reached the finishing point.<\/p>\n

The jumbo demonstration is the latest sign of a sharpening political crisis in Hong Kong. Recent weeks have seen wave upon wave of mass protest against the dictatorship of the Chinese \u2018Communist\u2019 Party (CCP) and its refusal to allow democratic elections in the nominally \u2018autonomous\u2019 territory. On June 4, a crowd of 180,000 gathered to commemorate the 25th anniversary of the bloody massacre in Beijing 1989. Just days before the \u20187.1\u2019 protest march, nearly 790,000 people took part in an unofficial \u2018civil referendum\u2019 organised by the Occupy Central movement, an umbrella campaign launched over a year ago with the aim of staging a mass occupation in Hong Kong\u2019s main business district. The campaign\u2019s leaders were themselves stunned by the voter response, which was four times greater than they expected. Beijing dismissed the referendum as an \u201cillegal farce.\u201d<\/p>\n

The CCP regime is refusing to cede political control over Hong Kong. It fears \u2013 not without reason \u2013 that a loss of control over Hong Kong\u2019s government could rip through China, encouraging open revolt against one-party rule. We see a glimpse of this in reports from China of \u201cOccupy Shenzhen\u201d and even \u201cOccupy Tiananmen\u201d protests, at this stage only online \u2013 a key forum\u00a0for anti-government sentiment in China\u00a0\u2013\u00a0drawing their inspiration from events in Hong Kong. Online comments\u00a0said\u00a0Occupy Central in Hong Kong\u00a0is a rehearsal for \u201cOccupy Tiananmen Square\u201d in the future.\u00a0In Changsha, in China\u2019s Hunan province, protesters unfurled banners in solidarity with Hong Kong\u2019s unofficial referendum proclaiming, \u201cHunan also needs a referendum.\u201d<\/p>\n

A promise, after years of obstruction, to allow Hong Kong\u2019s Chief Executive to be chosen through one-person-one-vote elections (universal suffrage) in 2017, has now been exposed as just another CCP trick \u2013 as Socialist Action (CWI in Hong Kong) predicted. Beijing is insisting on a nomination committee enabling it to screen out candidates and thereby control\u00a0the election outcome. The current political crisis follows decades of broken promises, firstly under the British and then for the past 17 years under the Chinese dictatorship, which has lied, manoeuvred, and\u00a0sown false trails in order to face down demands for free elections.<\/p>\n

\"Part<\/a>
Part of the 510,000-strong July 1, 2014, demonstration.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Beijing\u2019s white paper<\/strong><\/p>\n

As the struggle now enters a crucial phase, with the Hong Kong government presenting its (i.e. Beijing\u2019s) model for the 2017 elections before the end of this year, the CCP\u2019s propaganda war against the democracy movement has reached a new intensity. The \u2018moderate\u2019 bourgeois leaders of the pro-democracy parties (pan democrats) and the Occupy Central movement, who in reality are desperate to avoid an all-out struggle, are portrayed by Beijing as agents or stooges of more \u2018extreme\u2019 pro-democracy groups and \u2018foreign anti-China\u2019 forces.<\/p>\n

Recent speeches and articles by regime spokesmen warn of \u201cdangerous consequences\u201d and threaten a crackdown. Beijing\u2019s sledgehammer approach is encapsulated in an unprecedented white paper on Hong Kong\u2019s status, published on June 10, which amounts to a declaration of war upon the democracy movement. The white paper stresses the limits of Hong Kong\u2019s autonomy and says\u00a0that Beijing can declare a \u2018state of emergency\u2019 (i.e. impose direct rule). Even after \u20187.1\u2019, the most influential\u00a0sections of China\u2019s state-run media pronounced themselves\u00a0\u201cunmoved\u201d by the massive turnout, while the puppet Hong Kong government has stepped up repression with mass arrests of demonstrators and criminal charges brought against the organisers of the demonstration.<\/p>\n

An editorial comment on \u20187.1\u2019 in the Global Times, a CCP mouthpiece, warned that Hong Kong \u201ccould sink into the likes of Ukraine or Thailand and all kinds of dangerous phenomenon could happen.\u201d While the Global Times is known for its hawkish positions, this allusion to civil war and military coups is not untypical in the current propaganda war.<\/p>\n

Ta Kung Pao, the Hong Kong pro-CCP daily that recently ran a libellous front-page attack on Socialist Action, the CWI, and radical legislator \u2018Long Hair\u2019 Leung Kwok-hung, snarled at those who took part in the unofficial referendum: \u201cThose voters are likely to taste their own medicine in the future, bearing the serious consequences of having a messy financial centre and facing social disorder. The police will be very busy and the People\u2019s Liberation Army forces in Hong Kong might even be deployed to deal with the problems\u2026\u201d<\/p>\n

The Hong Kong police\u00a0\u2013\u00a0under political orders\u00a0\u2013\u00a0are making a reality of these threats as shown by their aggressive tactics on \u20187.1\u2019 and the following days.<\/p>\n

\"Elected<\/a>
Elected legislator Leung Kwok-hung, known as “long Hair”, jailed for four weeks after a political protest.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Radicalisation<\/strong><\/p>\n

The past few weeks, especially with the political debacle of the white paper, has shown that rather than cowing democracy sentiment, the CCP\u2019s hard line is provoking a massive backlash. This was shown in the turnout on \u20187.1\u2019, not just in sheer numbers but also in the mood, which is angrier and more impatient. There is also growing criticism and opposition \u2013 among youth especially \u2013 towards the pan democratic leaders for being \u2018too soft\u2019 and wanting to avoid or indefinitely postpone an escalation of the struggle. Socialist Action got an excellent response on July 1 with banner slogans including, \u201cDelay No More\u201d \u2013 urging an immediate start to the long-discussed occupation \u2013 and \u201cFor Real Democracy \u2013 Down With the Business Tycoons!\u201d<\/p>\n

Growing dissatisfaction with the role of the \u2018moderate\u2019 pan democrats is clearly reflected in the published fund-raising results. This is an important feature of every \u20187.1\u2019 demonstration and the main source of funding throughout the year for some of the groups taking part. The \u2018moderate\u2019 pan democratic parties all reported lower results than last year, despite the bigger turnout: Civic Party (410,000 HK dollars), Labour Party (180,000), and Democratic Party (200,000). In contrast, the more radical League of Social Democrats (LSD), whose front figure \u2018Long Hair\u2019 was serving a\u00a04-week\u00a0prison sentence and\u00a0therefore missed the demonstration, raised 930,000 HK dollars, almost 50% more\u00a0than in 2013. Topping the fund-raising tables was the \u2018Occupy Central with Love and Peace\u2019 (OCLP) movement, which raised almost 1.4 million HK dollars. OCLP is seen as the main focus of\u00a0the struggle in the next period, although politically its leadership is closely allied with the \u2018moderate\u2019 pan democrats and their conciliatory position.<\/p>\n

\"Sally<\/a>
Sally Tang Mei-ching of Socialist Action (CWI) arrested in the morning of July 2.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Discarding the \u2018velvet glove\u2019<\/strong><\/p>\n

There is growing impatience and frustration not only with Beijing, but also with the approach of OCLP leaders in holding back\u00a0the struggle. This pressure was reflected in the decision of student groups to initiate a symbolic \u2018trial run\u2019 occupation in Central after the main \u20187.1\u2019 march ended. Their initiative brought a rebuke from the\u00a0OCLP leaders, with\u00a0Dr Chan Kin-man saying they hoped no groups would start a \u2018trial run\u2019. The OCLP leaders\u2019 position is that the movement must wait until the government\u2019s offer is on the table (later this year). Not only is it already clear that the government will insist on the primacy of its nomination committee, overruling demands for \u2018public nomination\u2019\u00a0(the right of anyone to stand), but the\u00a0OCLP leaders\u2019\u00a0approach also risks throwing away the movement\u2019s momentum, particularly from\u00a0the past few weeks, and giving free rein to the government\u2019s\u00a0campaign of black propaganda and greater repression.<\/p>\n

The signs from the government compound are clear. Hong Kong police made 511 arrests at the student-led occupation. This is the first time since the handover to Chinese rule in 1997 that so many protesters were arrested at\u00a0a demonstration. Among those arrested were Sally Tang Mei-ching and Nathan Leung of Socialist Action. The massive police operation and its\u00a0conspicuously aggressive methods were designed to send a political message. Police admitted using \u2018pressure point tactics\u2019 to induce numbness in demonstrators \u2013 who were sitting and non-violent \u2013 prior to lifting them away. Police loudspeakers repeatedly warned journalists to leave the area in\u00a0an overt attack on press freedom, which is itself a huge issue in Hong Kong following recent government attempts to shackle\u00a0the media. Lawyers also complained they were refused access to the arrested, in violation of the law.<\/p>\n

Most of those arrested were released with a warning, meaning that charges (\u201cunlawful assembly\u201d and \u201cobstruction\u201d) could be filed later at the discretion of the police. 25 were released on bail.\u00a0Again, however, the government-police tactics have backfired, with the student-led trial\u00a0occupation gaining big sympathy within society,\u00a0thus upping the pressure on OCLP leaders to end their policy of prevarication.<\/p>\n

In the following days, five organisers of the \u20187.1\u2019 demonstration were arrested on charges of \u201cfailing to comply with directions given by police.\u201d They are accused of leading the march \u201ctoo slowly!\u201d\u00a0This represents an unprecedented attack on the annual \u20187.1\u2019 demonstration, which\u00a0has become\u00a0a thorn in the side of the Hong Kong government and CCP dictatorship. Among those who have protested the police action is \u2018Long Hair\u2019, fresh out of jail: \u201cI\u2019ve been in detention for 26 days and I see changes taking place outside that are turning Hong Kong into a big prison.\u201d<\/p>\n

These methods are standard practise for the security forces in mainland China, but for Hong Kong this is a new development, representing a conscious escalation of repressive methods by the state. The aim is to acclimatise the public and also the ranks of the police to a \u2018new normal\u2019 of aggressive policing of anti-government protests.\u00a0This is widely recognised\u00a0by\u00a0the masses in Hong Kong as a\u00a0trend\u00a0of \u201cpolice mainlandisation.\u201d<\/p>\n

The Hong Kong government and capitalist elite, under Beijing\u2019s prodding, is therefore preparing for the intensification of the democracy struggle by discarding the velvet glove and baring the iron fist. The regime\u2019s strategy is to step up the pressure on the \u2018moderate\u2019 pan democrats and the leaders of the OCLP movement, accusing them of fomenting \u201cviolence\u201d and \u201cchaos\u201d in order to bring about a split. By breaking away a section of these leaders in support of a \u2018deal\u2019 with the government \u2013\u00a0which can only be on Beijing\u2019s terms\u00a0\u2013\u00a0they hope to throw the movement into disarray\u00a0and sap its momentum.<\/p>\n

\"Socialist<\/a>
Socialist Action (CWI) team prepare for the July 1 mass demonstration.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Socialists and the democracy struggle<\/strong><\/p>\n

Socialist Action has engaged actively in the Occupy Central movement since its launch nearly 18 months ago, just as it is\u00a0active in the wider democracy struggle. While fighting for every democratic advance, even partial reforms, Socialist Action\u00a0also criticises the limited compromise-based strategy and programme of the pan democratic leadership. To succeed, the democracy struggle needs a class struggle approach, to link democratic demands with the need to eradicate capitalism and its disastrous social effects. Hong Kong\u2019s struggle for democracy can also only succeed by linking up with mass struggle in China, especially the awakening giant of Chinese labour.\u00a0April this year\u00a0saw\u00a0the biggest factory workers\u2019 strike for 30 years.<\/p>\n

Socialist Action\u00a0stresses that occupation, while a good platform from which to launch mass struggle and build a movement, cannot by itself defeat the Chinese dictatorship. A strategy is needed to escalate to more effective methods, including student strikes as seen in Taiwan\u2019s \u2018sunflower\u2019 protest movement,\u00a0as a spur to workers to organise and build for strike action. This is especially important given the likelihood that state repression \u2013 initially using fanatical pro-Beijing \u2018volunteer\u2019 groups \u2013 will be used in an attempt to break up an occupation.<\/p>\n

The decision of the Occupy Central leaders (taken without real democratic discussion) to rename the campaign \u201c… with Love and Peace,\u201d unfortunately shows a head-in-the-sand attitude to what is a crucial\u00a0question for the struggle. It is rather the \u201cHate and War\u201d message from Beijing and the Hong Kong government, of a potentially massive\u00a0resort to\u00a0repression \u2013 including the possible use of Chinese (PLA) troops\u00a0\u2013\u00a0that needs to be addressed!<\/p>\n

An upcoming article on chinaworker.info will look at how the democracy struggle can go forward, examining the programme of the main pan democratic forces, the threat of a crackdown, and the potential for social and political unrest in China.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Battle-lines hardening as masses push for democracy while government steps up repression Vincent Kolo, chinaworker.info This year\u2019s \u20187.1\u2019 (July 1) anti-government demonstration in Hong Kong was massive, one of the biggest protests in East Asia in\u00a0the past\u00a0decade. Demo organisers put the attendance at over 500,000, similar to the turnout in 2003\u00a0\u2013\u00a0a revolt against repressive national […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":33,"featured_media":7625,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"tdm_status":"","tdm_grid_status":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[132,133,124],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-7622","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-china","8":"category-hong-kong","9":"category-news"},"yoast_head":"\nHong Kong: What next after massive July 1 demo? - China Worker<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/en\/2014\/07\/04\/7622\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Hong Kong: What next after massive July 1 demo? - China Worker\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Battle-lines hardening as masses push for democracy while government steps up repression Vincent Kolo, chinaworker.info This year\u2019s \u20187.1\u2019 (July 1) anti-government demonstration in Hong Kong was massive, one of the biggest protests in East Asia in\u00a0the past\u00a0decade. 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