{"id":9217,"date":"2015-02-03T18:43:22","date_gmt":"2015-02-01T13:18:12","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/chinaworker.info\/?p=9217"},"modified":"2015-02-02T20:10:50","modified_gmt":"2015-02-02T12:10:50","slug":"hong-kong-thousands-again-hit-the-streets-for-democracy","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/chinaworker.info\/en\/2015\/02\/03\/9217\/","title":{"rendered":"Hong Kong: Thousands again hit the streets for democracy"},"content":{"rendered":"

Right-wing pan democrats floating new \u201ccompromise\u201d proposals<\/strong><\/p>\n

Dikang, Socialist Action (CWI) in Hong Kong<\/p>\n

The demonstration on Sunday 1 February from Hong Kong\u2019s Victoria Park was the first mass mobilisation since the epic Umbrella Revolution. The crowd, estimated by organisers at 13,000, marched under a sea of yellow umbrellas \u2013 in a protest that was in many ways a tribute to the 79-day mass occupation\u00a0movement\u00a0of last autumn.<\/p>\n

The march, postponed from the traditional New Year\u2019s Day rally, was organised by the Civil Human Rights Front under the slogans, \u201cOur Hong Kong we save, our government we choose\u201d, and \u201cNo fake democracy, we want real universal suffrage\u201d. The heavy police presence of 2,000 officers was \u2013 as ever \u2013 nervous about possible fresh occupy actions breaking out, although this was unlikely so soon after the events of the autumn.<\/p>\n

The weeks since the Umbrella Movement have seen the government\u2019s position hardening with a raft of proposals intended to counter democratic demands. These range from attempts to reintroduce in a disguised form the patriotic education plan that was resisted by massive protests in 2012, to the\u00a0denunciation of a student magazine on \u2018self-determination\u2019 that Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying accused of \u201cadvocating independence\u201d for Hong Kong. These initiatives have been accompanied\u00a0by constant pressure from the Chinese (CCP) dictatorship claiming that \u201cnational security\u201d is endangered by democratic demands in Hong Kong.<\/p>\n

Most ominously there is a renewed push \u2013 in speeches by Beijing and Hong Kong politicians \u2013 for the introduction of draconian\u00a0anti-subversion legislation\u00a0in accordance with Article 23 of the Basic Law. Executive councillor Regina Ip Lau Suk-yee, who as security minister in 2003 failed to implement\u00a0Article 23 in the face of mass opposition, is the latest figure to call for legislation\u00a0citing increasing threats of \u201cforeign interference\u201d in Hong Kong\u2019s politics. Ip is\u00a0actually arguing for a tougher version of\u00a0Article 23 to include a ban on political groups with links to foreign organisations.<\/p>\n

The intensified counterattack from the pro-government camp also serves to ramp up the pressure on the bourgeois pan democratic leaders, to test their resolve over a threatened\u00a0veto of the government\u2019s election plan. In August, when the Standing Committee of the National People\u2019s Congress (NPC) handed down its ruling over Hong Kong\u2019s 2017 elections, the pan democrats gave the impression of a solid front in rejecting what amounts to a\u00a0rigged Iran-style election system involving only handpicked candidates for the head of government (Chief Executive). But recently the Beijing and Hong Kong governments have become\u00a0more hopeful that some of the pan democrats can be pressured into breaking ranks. Only four defections from the pan democratic camp could be enough to obtain passage of\u00a0the NPC reform plan in Hong Kong\u2019s Legislative Council (Legco).<\/p>\n

\"A<\/a>
A section of the 1 February march for “true democracy”.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Internal splits and differences<\/strong><\/p>\n

Sunday\u2019s march was a sign of enduring mass opposition to Beijing\u2019s fake democracy. At the same time the composition of the\u00a0march, which was noticeably older when compared to the mobilisations of the Umbrella Movement, gives some indications of the tensions and political differences that have emerged within Hong Kong\u2019s democracy movement. It seems many youth decided not to join the march, perhaps feeling it was largely symbolic and not connected to rebuilding or\u00a0stepping up the mass\u00a0struggle.<\/p>\n

Internal political differences are much sharper now after the Umbrella Movement \u2013 a historic struggle which in the opinion of Socialist Action (supporters of the Committee for a Workers\u2019 International) was largely frustrated, and ultimately unable to force concessions from\u00a0the government, due to its\u00a0extremely limited reform-rather-than-revolution programme. This belief that democracy can be achieved via reforms from a dictatorship (a scenario that defies all historical experience) reflects the lingering influence of the pan democratic leaders, despite a much greater questioning and scepticism towards these leaders from the grassroots of the movement and especially the younger generation. On Sunday\u2019s march, Socialist Action\u2019s banner slogans read,\u00a0\u201cUmbrella revolution, Hong Kong today, China tomorrow \u2013\u00a0down with the CCP dictatorship!\u201d and\u00a0\u201cKick out CY [Leung Chun-ying] \u2013 down with the big business dictatorship!\u201d<\/p>\n

The 1 February demonstration was dominated by the pan democratic establishment and the \u2018Occupy Central\u2019 (OC) leadership\u00a0who are\u00a0closely allied to it, while some of the youth and student organisations that figured prominently in the Umbrella Movement chose to adopt a lower key role on Sunday, perhaps indicating dissatisfaction with the \u2018old guard\u2019.<\/p>\n

OC leaders Benny Tai Yiu-ting, Chan Kin-man and Reverend Chu Yiu-ming were in the leading group at the head of the march. During the Umbrella Movement, which took these leaders by surprise, the OC group consistently stood at the \u2018rear\u2019, urging compromise with the government and calling for a retreat from the occupations. Then and now their ideas reflect the fears of the pan democratic political leadership of being sidelined by more radical forces, ideas, and forms of struggle.<\/p>\n

\"Socialist<\/a>
Socialist Action on the 1 February demo.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Pan democratic wobbles<\/strong><\/p>\n

In the background fresh compromise soundings are emanating from the right-wing of the pan democratic camp. A recent opinion poll in the South China Morning Post showed that half the population want the pan democrats, who control 27 of the legislature\u2019s 70 seats, to veto the government\u2019s electoral reform proposals (which require a two-thirds majority). The effect of this would be to leave the election system as it is today, with a billionaire-dominated election committee of 1200 members who\u00a0pick the Chief Executive. This, rather than dignify Beijing\u2019s electoral charade of \u2018universal suffrage with Chinese [i.e. CCP] characteristics\u2019.<\/p>\n

With the mass pressure from last autumn\u2019s movement appearing\u00a0to dissipate at this moment, the pan democratic tops are clearly wobbling and some of the more outspoken compromisers are looking for a way to support the government\u2019s election package. At this stage these moves are very tentative, but unless mass resistance is organised this can crystallise into yet another betrayal of the democracy struggle by the dominant \u2018moderate\u2019 wing of the pan democratic camp.<\/p>\n

Recently, Professional Commons\u00a0lawmaker Charles Mok, who represents the Information Technology functional constituency, told TVB that the pan democrats should support the government\u2019s proposals if Beijing made a promise to abolish all the elitist functional constituencies, which currently make up half the legislature. An immediate backlash forced Mok to retract his statement within hours. He claimed the TV journalists had made \u201cassumptions\u2019\u2019 rather than reflecting his real views.<\/p>\n

Mok\u2019s soundings are not an isolated incident, however. Another pan democratic lawmaker, Professional Commons member\u00a0Lee Kok-long, has indicated he may switch\u00a0to support the government\u2019s proposal. Civic Party lawmaker Ronny Tong Ka-wah has made a similar proposal for a trade-off between supporting the 2017 election model, with its Iran-style nomination committee, in return for an end to the functional constituencies. This so-called \u2018compromise\u2019 \u2013 to legitimise an undemocratic system \u2013 is unacceptable. Furthermore, like almost all the \u2018compromise\u2019 proposals floated by pan democratic politicians, the Chinese regime is unlikely to honour any such agreement, just as it reneged on its 2007 \u2018promise\u2019 of universal suffrage in 2017.<\/p>\n

Down with the dictatorial system!<\/strong><\/p>\n

The functional constituencies which institutionalise the power of the stock market and the capitalist class within Hong Kong\u2019s legislature are also integral to Beijing\u2019s elite-dominated nomination committee (for the election of Chief Executive) and therefore, in their eyes, to sacrifice one would endanger the other. This is not to say the functional constituencies cannot be abolished, but like the other totalitarian features of the Hong Kong political system it will\u00a0require momentous mass struggle and a programme to sweep away rather than tinker with the current undemocratic political system, to replace it with a genuinely democratic system. This in turn is impossible unless\u00a0linked to breaking the power of the undemocratic and parasitic capitalist\u00a0class\u00a0and spreading the democratic struggle into mainland China as a revolutionary movement for\u00a0democratic socialism.<\/p>\n

What Socialist Action stands for:\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

    \n
  • Reject fake democracy, reject the nomination committee and all rotten compromises!<\/li>\n
  • Abolish the functional constituencies! Replace the rubber-stamp Legco with a genuine democratically-elected People\u2019s Assembly with real powers to tax the super-rich, abolish poverty, implement a decent minimum wage, reverse privatisations and break the economic stranglehold of the tycoons.<\/li>\n
  • The right to vote at sixteen years of age \u2013 including migrant workers.<\/li>\n
  • For elected representatives to be paid only a skilled worker\u2019s salary plus legitimate running expenses open to public inspection.<\/li>\n
  • Rebuild the Umbrella Movement based on the creation of democratic action committees and genuine internal democracy, to coordinate mass actions with the emphasis on walkouts and strikes, to build irresistible pressure behind these\u00a0demands.<\/li>\n
  • For public ownership under full democratic control of the banks and big companies, and the adoption of democratic socialist policies as the only way to secure full democratic rights and provide real jobs, affordable homes and a living wage.<\/li>\n
  • Umbrella Revolution: today Hong Kong, tomorrow China \u2013 down with one-party dictatorship!<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n

     <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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